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Descubren potencial de lenteja de agua Mankai como super alimento y ayuda contra la diabetes - INVDES

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Descubren potencial de lenteja de agua Mankai como super alimento y ayuda contra la diabetes - INVDES

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Descubren potencial de lenteja de agua Mankai como super alimento y ayuda contra la diabetes


Investigadores de Israel descubren que la lenteja de agua Mankai ofrece beneficios significativos para la salud.
Mankai, es una cepa de lenteja de agua (plantas acuáticas) con alto contenido de proteínas, tiene un potencial significativo como supe ralimento y proporciona control glucémico después del consumo de carbohidratos. Todas estas afirmaciones han sido publicadas por un equipo de investigadores de la Universidad Ben-Gurion del Negev (BGU).
Hila Zelicha, y sus colegas de BGU, investigaron el aspecto glucémico de la lenteja de agua Mankai. La investigación se acaba de publicar en Diabetes Care, el diario oficial de la Asociación Americana de Diabetes.
En este nuevo estudio, los investigadores compararon el consumo de batido de Mankai con un equivalente de batido de yogur respecto a carbohidratos, proteínas, lípidos y calorías.
Después de dos semanas de monitoreo con sensores de glucosa, los participantes que bebieron el batido de lenteja de agua mostraron una respuesta mucho mejor en una variedad de mediciones. Se incluyen niveles más bajos de glucosa en los siguientes registros: niveles de glucosa en ayunas por la mañana, hora pico posterior, y evacuación de glucosa más rápida.
Los participantes también reportaron que se sintieron más llenos.
El grupo de investigación, dirigido por la profesora Iris Shai, descubrió en varios estudios anteriores que la lenteja de agua Mankai tiene un tremendo potencial para la salud como super alimento.
Esta nueva investigación es un sub-estudio del Ensayo que explora los efectos de la dieta verde-mediterránea.
Mankai como super alimento
La planta acuática de lenteja de agua Mankai se cultiva en Israel y otros países en un entorno cerrado y es altamente sostenible. Requiere una fracción de la cantidad de agua para producir cada gramo de proteína en comparación con la soja, la col rizada o las espinacas.
Otra ventaja es que también se puede cultivar durante todo el año utilizando cultivos hidropónicos.
La lenteja de agua se ha consumido durante cientos de años en el sudeste asiático, donde se la conoce como “albóndiga vegetal” debido a su alto contenido de proteínas. Más del 45% de su materia seca incluye el perfil completo de proteínas de los huevos. Contiene los nueve aminoácidos esenciales y seis aminoácidos condicionales. Además, Mankai es muy rico en polifenoles, principalmente ácidos fenólicos y flavonoides (incluidas las catequinas), fibras dietéticas, minerales (incluidos el hierro y el zinc), vitamina A, complejo de vitamina B y vitamina B12, que rara vez es producida por las plantas.
Super alimento rico en proteínas y vitaminas
Un estudio previo de lenteja de agua realizado por Alon Kaplan, publicado en Clinical Nutrition, demostró que la absorción de los aminoácidos esenciales de Mankai era similar al equivalente de queso blando en contenido de proteína, lo que refuerza su papel como fuente de proteína de alta calidad.
Además, el estudio sugirió que Mankai es una fuente vegetal única de vitamina B12.
Otro estudio realizado por los investigadores en el Journal of Nutrition publicado a principios de este año indica que una dieta mediterránea que incluye Mankai, a pesar de ser baja en carne roja, no solo no altera el estado del hierro, sino que eleva los niveles de hierro y ácido fólico.
El estudio también mostró que el hierro de Mankai fue eficaz en el tratamiento de la anemia por deficiencia de hierro en ratas anémicas en el mismo grado que el tratamiento común.
Es la suma de todas estas propiedades lo que parece hacer que la planta sea un buen candidato para convertirse en un super alimento. La Universidad de Harvard aparentemente está de acuerdo, ya que los batidos Mankai se introdujeron recientemente en la cafetería de la Escuela de Salud de Harvard.
Los investigadores de BGU continúan colaborando con investigaciones en todo el mundo en la evaluación de la lenteja de agua.
Fuente: latamisrael.com

Antropólogo mexicano afirma que siguen vivas 30 lenguas mayas - INVDES

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Antropólogo mexicano afirma que siguen vivas 30 lenguas mayas - INVDES

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Antropólogo mexicano afirma que siguen vivas 30 lenguas mayas


Afirma que los pueblos mayas son los que mejor se han incorporado al cambio con tal de prevalecer.
Los pueblos mayas son los que mejor se han incorporado al cambio con tal de prevalecer, lo que permite que no sólo su cultura, sino sus lenguas sigan vivas, aseveró el Dr. Mario Humberto Ruz Sosa, reconocido antropólogo y etnólogo a nivel internacional y especialista en etnias mesoamericanas.
Asimismo, afirmó que 29 o 30 lenguas mayas están vivas y se hablan en Guatemala, Belice y en la Península de Yucatán; además de que se han censado cerca de 37 mil 200 hablantes de diversas lenguas mayas en Canadá y Estados Unidos, principalmente en San Francisco.
De acuerdo con información que se proporcionó, Ruz Sosa es investigador titular del Centro de Estudios Mayas del Instituto de Investigaciones Filológicas de la UNAM y autor o editor de cerca de 60 libros, y más de un centenar de artículos y capítulos de libro en sus áreas de especialización (historia de los mayas coloniales y etnología de los actuales).
Además, es Médico cirujano por la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM), maestro en Antropología Social, por la Universidad Iberoamericana (UIA) y doctor en Etnología por la École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, de París.
Asimismo, ha publicado en español, francés, tojolab’al, italiano, ruso e inglés, realizado trabajo de investigación histórica y de lingüística histórica acerca de etnias e idiomas de Mesoamérica en archivos de México, Guatemala, España, Italia, Francia, Ciudad del Vaticano y Estados Unidos, mientras que su trabajo de campo lo ha llevado a cabo primordialmente en Chiapas, Tabasco, la Península de Yucatán y Guatemala.
Durante la conferencia titulada “Cuerpos vegetales, espíritus animales: El concepto de persona entre los Mayas”, analizó el concepto de persona en el mundo maya con el objetivo de mostrar la forma en que se enlazaba con la naturaleza y que aún puede observarse en los pueblos mayas actuales.
Al inaugurar en la Universidad del Caribe (Unicaribe) el programas “Viernes en la Ciencia”, Ruz Sosa precisó que, a diferencia de cómo se concibe a la persona en occidente, en forma binaria (cuerpo y alma) o trinaria (cuerpo, mente y espíritu), entre los mayas al ser humano se le considera integrado por más elementos (hasta 13 en ciertas culturas), entre los cuales destacan aspectos vegetales y animales.
También señaló, por ejemplo, las leyendas mayas señalan que el ser humano fue creado de maíz y sangre de animales, culebra o danta (tapir); mientras que los mayas tojolabales afirman que su carne es de tortillas o tamales, mientras que su sangre de pozol o atol. Para los mayas, agregó, las almas de quienes mueren en accidente quedan integradas al paisaje.
Su conexión con los animales es tal, explicó el científico, que los mayas comparten con ellos el concepto de “lab” que puede interpretarse como el aliento vital y mantienen vivo el concepto de “tona” que son los animales compañeros y protectores, que les son asignados según su fecha de nacimiento; mientras que la vía láctea la conocen como el “ru bey palama” o camino de la tortuga, pues se asemeja a las huellas que este reptil deja en la playa cuando regresa al mar después de desovar.
El Dr. Ruz, especialista internacional en etnias mesoamericanas, inauguró el ciclo de conferencias con una charla en la que estuvieron estudiantes de Ciencias Básicas e Ingenierías de la Universidad del Caribe (Unicaribe) y de los Clubes de Ciencias del Colegio de Bachilleres.
Según se informó, entre los objetivos de estas conferencias que organiza la Academia Mexicana de Ciencias está coadyuvar a informar a los asistentes sobre el avance científico, a provocar el interés por la ciencia y potencialmente a alentar las vocaciones científicas entre los asistentes.
Además, al vincularse con amplios sectores de la población, el científico tiene la oportunidad de conocer las necesidades y así servir de manera más asertiva a la sociedad mexicana.
Al darle la bienvenida a nombre de la Universidad del Caribe, la Dra. Ana Pricila Sosa Ferreira, Rectora de la institución, agradeció la colaboración de la Academia Mexicana de Ciencias, así como de la Fundación Oasis y las gestiones de la Secretaria de Extensión y Vinculación Universitaria, Ing. Celina Izquierdo Sánchez, para hacer una realidad el programa “Viernes en la Ciencia”, que tiene el propósito de difundir el conocimiento científico, la tecnología y las humanidades, de una manera sencilla, entre la juventud y el público en general de Cancún, a través de pláticas mensuales que impartirán distinguidos científicos en esta institución.

Algunos ejemplos en los que el pulpo demuestra su extraordinaria inteligencia - INVDES

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Algunos ejemplos en los que el pulpo demuestra su extraordinaria inteligencia - INVDES

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Algunos ejemplos en los que el pulpo demuestra su extraordinaria inteligencia


El pulpo es el invertebrado con el cerebro más grande, y probablemente el más inteligente de todos. Los pulpos tienen, además, una ingeniosa manera de aumentar su capacidad neuronal, repartiendo las células nerviosas en diferentes unidades de procesamiento, como varios chips conectados en red.
Solo un tercio de las células del pulpo se hallan, pues, en su cerebro. El resto se encuentra diseminado por el cuerpo, en especial los brazos. Esto significa que los brazos actúan por iniciativa propia, e incluso aprenden a hacer cosas sin ayuda del cerebro central.
El pulpo escapista
Poseen una extraña anatomía: tres corazones, un cuerpo que pueden deformar a capricho, la boca desplazada a un lateral… Y son unos magos del camuflaje. Y disponen de una inteligencia extraordinaria, como podemos ver en los siguientes ejemplos:
El caso más célebre tuvo lugar en abril de 2016, cuando un pulpo llamado Inky, del Acuario Nacional de Nueva Zelanda, logró fugarse. Al parecer, alguien había dejado la tapa de su acuario mal cerrada y el pulpo se deslizó por la abertura, descendió por el lateral del acuario, avanzó por el suelo y finalmente se dejó caer por un desagüe que llevaba directamente al mar.
También ha habido otros casos sonados, como explica el libro Guinness World Records Ciencia:
En febrero de 2009, un pulpo hembra del Acuario del Muelle de Santa Mónica, en Los Ángeles, desmontó las tuberías de reciclaje del agua que alimentaban su depósito. Después dirigió el chorro del agua hacia el exterior, lo que provocó la inundación del acuario. Otro pulpo, esta vez en la Universidad de Otago (Nueva Zelanda), aprendió a cortocircuitar la electricidad del edificio lanzando chorros de agua a las lámparas de la parte superior del depósito. Resultó tan costoso de reparar que los investigadores acabaron por liberar al pulpo en el mar.
Y es que, cuando pasan unos días en los acuarios, los pulpos se vuelven muy curiosos y nadan de un lado a otro del tanque, analizando cada centímetro cuadrado. Pasado un tiempo, muchos tratan de escapar.
Fuente: xatakaciencia.com

Crean un páncreas en un chip para estudiar la diabetes - INVDES

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Crean un páncreas en un chip para estudiar la diabetes - INVDES

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Crean un páncreas en un chip para estudiar la diabetes


Al combinar dos potentes tecnologías, los científicos están llevando la investigación sobre diabetes a un nivel completamente nuevo. En un estudio dirigido por Kevin Kit Parker de la Universidad de Harvard y publicado en la revista Lab on a Chip el 29 de agosto, las microfluídicas y las células beta humanas productoras de insulina se han integrado en un islote en un chip. El nuevo dispositivo facilita a los científicos la detección de células productoras de insulina antes de trasplantarlas a un paciente, probar compuestos estimulantes de insulina y estudiar la biología fundamental de la diabetes.
El diseño del islote en un chip se inspiró en el páncreas humano, en el que las islas de células (“islotes”) reciben un flujo continuo de información sobre los niveles de glucosa del torrente sanguíneo y ajustan su producción de insulina según sea necesario.
Antes de trasplantar las células beta en un paciente, deben analizarse para ver si funcionan correctamente. El método actual para hacerlo se basa en la tecnología de la década de 1970: dar glucosa a las células para provocar una respuesta de insulina, recolectar muestras, agregar reactivos y tomar medidas para ver cuánta insulina hay en cada una. El proceso manual tarda tanto en ejecutarse e interpretarse que muchos médicos lo abandonan por completo.
El nuevo dispositivo miniatura automatizado brinda resultados en tiempo real, lo que puede acelerar la toma de decisiones clínicas.
“Nuestro dispositivo organiza los islotes en líneas separadas, administra un pulso de glucosa a cada uno simultáneamente y detecta la cantidad de insulina que se produce”, dijo Aaron Glieberman, coautor del artículo y doctor. candidato en el laboratorio de Parker. “Combina la estimulación de glucosa y la detección de insulina en la misma ruta de flujo, por lo que puede brindarle rápidamente a un médico información procesable. El diseño también utiliza materiales que son susceptibles de fabricación a mayor escala, lo que significa que más personas podrán usarlo “.
“El islote en un chip nos permite controlar cómo las células de los islotes donadas o fabricadas están liberando insulina, como las células en el cuerpo pueden”, dijo Parker, profesor de bioingeniería y física aplicada de la familia Tarr en la Escuela de Harvard John A. Paulson de Ingeniería y Ciencias Aplicadas, miembro principal del Instituto Wyss de Ingeniería Biológicamente Inspirada, y miembro principal de la facultad de HSCI.
“Eso significa que podemos avanzar mucho hacia las terapias celulares para la diabetes. El dispositivo facilita la detección de fármacos que estimulan la secreción de insulina, analizan las células beta derivadas de células madre y estudian la biología fundamental de los islotes. No existe ninguna otra tecnología de control de calidad que pueda hacerlo tan rápido y con tanta precisión “.
La Oficina de Desarrollo Tecnológico de Harvard ha presentado solicitudes de patentes relacionadas con esta tecnología y está explorando activamente las oportunidades de comercialización.
“Fue emocionante ver cómo el método de nuestro laboratorio para medir la función de los islotes se trasladaba de islotes individuales a grupos de islotes mucho más grandes e incorporado a un dispositivo que puede usarse ampliamente en la comunidad”, dijo el coautor Michael Roper, de la Universidad Estatal de Florida. , cuyo laboratorio se centra en la biología fundamental de los islotes. “Ahora, tenemos un dispositivo que integra el suministro de glucosa, la colocación y captura de islotes, la mezcla de reactivos y la detección de insulina, y requiere muchos menos reactivos. Por lo tanto, los laboratorios pueden usarlo para hacer más experimentos al mismo costo, utilizando un proceso mucho más corto y fácil “.
“Mi principal interés es la diabetes en sí misma: todos los adultos de mi familia tienen diabetes tipo 2, y esa es la razón por la que he seguido la ciencia como carrera”, dijo Benjamin Pope, coautor del estudio y becario postdoctoral. en el laboratorio de Parker “Estoy realmente emocionado de ver esta tecnología utilizada en la investigación de la diabetes y la detección de trasplantes, porque permite terapias celulares para la diabetes.
“También es una hermosa integración de muchas tecnologías diferentes”, agregó Pope. “La física detrás de la captura automática de islotes, la microfluídica, el sensor en tiempo real y la bioquímica subyacente, los componentes electrónicos y de adquisición de datos, incluso el software. El dispositivo general y el sistema operativo: integrando tantas cosas de diferentes campos, aprendí muchísimo en el proceso ”.
Además de su aplicación a la diabetes, el dispositivo promete su uso con otros tejidos y órganos. “Podemos modificar la tecnología central para detectar la función en una gama de sistemas microfisiológicos”, dijo Glieberman. “Con la capacidad de detectar secreciones celulares continuamente, queremos facilitar la exploración de cómo las células usan las señales de proteínas para comunicarse. Esta tecnología eventualmente puede desarrollar nuevos conocimientos sobre las métricas dinámicas de salud para el diagnóstico y el tratamiento “. Con información de Harvard Gazette.
Fuente: elimparcial.com

Crean exotraje robótico blando que reduce la tasa metabólica al caminar y correr - INVDES

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Crean exotraje robótico blando que reduce la tasa metabólica al caminar y correr - INVDES

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Crean exotraje robótico blando que reduce la tasa metabólica al caminar y correr



Unos investigadores han desarrollado y probado un exotraje robótico blando que, llevado como si se tratara de unos pantalones cortos robóticos, permite que caminar y correr sea más fácil para el usuario.
El dispositivo autónomo y portátil, con un peso de tan solo 5 kilogramos, es capaz de detectar la marcha del usuario para proporcionar la asistencia adecuada.
Como resultado, el dispositivo es capaz de reducir el coste metabólico de las actividades de caminar y correr en un 9,3 % y un 4 % respectivamente, un rango de mejora que se ha demostrado significativo en el rendimiento deportivo.
Si bien la biomecánica del caminar y la del correr son fundamentalmente diferentes, el cuerpo humano natural es capaz de alternarlas rápidamente, lo que resulta en una transición casi perfecta entre cada tipo de marcha.
Sin embargo, el aumento mecánico de estos movimientos dinámicos ha resultado ser algo difícil en el desarrollo de dispositivos de asistencia robóticos capaces de proporcionar beneficios en los dos tipos de movimiento. Por esta razón, normalmente la investigación se ha centrado en el aumento mecánico del movimiento de caminar o el de correr.
Se ha demostrado que los exoesqueletos robóticos, que aumentan mecánicamente el movimiento del usuario, reducen el coste metabólico de caminar hasta tasas inferiores a los niveles biológicos normales. Sin embargo, los dispositivos similares diseñados para la carrera asistida no han tenido tanto éxito y, en muchos casos, incluso aumentan el coste metabólico.
Sobre la base de trabajos anteriores, Jinsoo Kim y sus colegas han desarrollado un exotraje robótico funcional, que consta de un cinturón y dos fajas para los muslos, que ha demostrado su capacidad para reducir los costes metabólicos tanto al caminar como al correr a diferentes velocidades y en terrenos complejos.
Además, el dispositivo puede alternar automáticamente entre los dos modos de marcha, en sintonía con los movimientos naturales del usuario.
Según los autores de la investigación, las reducciones metabólicas observadas son comparables a la eliminación de entre 5,4 y 7,7 kilogramos de la cintura del usuario.
Fuente: noticiasdelaciencia.com

Veneno de serpiente de coral muestra potencial uso contra cáncer - INVDES

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Veneno de serpiente de coral muestra potencial uso contra cáncer - INVDES

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Veneno de serpiente de coral muestra potencial uso contra cáncer


Además de caracterizar y probar el efecto del veneno de tres especies de estas serpientes, se evaluó su actividad citotóxica en una línea celular cancerosa de seno (HTB-132), demostrando su potencial aplicación en tratamientos médicos.
A partir de ensayos en laboratorio, se observó que el veneno completo de Micrurus lemniscatus y M. sangilensis en el ensayo de citotoxicidad redujeron células vivas tumorales al 30 %, lo cual abre una ventana en la investigación con componentes específicos del veneno frente al cáncer de seno.
Así lo comprobó la investigadora Janeth Alejandra Bolívar, magíster en Toxicología de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia (UNAL), quien comenta que los venenos de las serpientes del género Micrurus, o corales verdaderas, son conocidos principalmente por sus efectos neurotóxicos, pero no por sus posibles aportes a la salud.
Aunque el efecto del veneno ejerce un bloqueo sobre la placa neuromuscular al lesionar a una persona, desencadenando en el peor de los casos una parálisis respiratoria y la muerte, esta sustancia tóxica podría inhibir la proliferación de células.
“Este estudio se desarrolló con el veneno de tres especies de serpientes del género Micrurus del país: M. medemi, M. sangilensis y M. lemniscatus. Solo la sustancia tóxica de M. medemi no presentó un resultado tan marcado en las células tumorales frente a los otros dos venenos”, comenta la investigadora.
En este mismo estudio se demostró que el veneno de M. medemi es el de mayor letalidad, requiriendo menos microgramos de veneno inyectado para producir la muerte en 48 horas respecto a los venenos de M. lemniscatus y M. sangilensis.
“Realizamos una caracterización parcial del veneno dentro de la cual evaluamos la actividad tóxica del veneno completo, mediante pruebas de letalidad en ratones y pruebas de citotoxicidad sobre un cultivo primario de neuronas hipocampales de rata”, explica sobre el proceso.
No obstante, aclara que el veneno de M. lemniscatus presentó un mayor efecto citotóxico sobre el cultivo de neuronas, posiblemente debido a una mayor afinidad de este con el tejido nervioso.
El estudio resulta oportuno debido a que los venenos de las serpientes del género Micrurus han sido poco estudiados por la dificultad para recolectarlos y mantenerlos, y por que las cantidades producidas por individuo son bajas.
“M. medemi y M. sangilensis son especies endémicas de Colombia, ubicadas en las regiones Orinoquia y Andina, y sus venenos no han sido objeto de estudio hasta el momento.
M. lemniscatus se distribuye en la Región Andina, en la cuenca amazónica y del Orinoco. La mayoría de estudios para esta especie se ha desarrollado con poblaciones de Brasil, aunque este año se encontró uno con veneno realizado en Leticia; aun así es poco lo que se conoce de las especies colombianas”, comenta la investigadora.
Para el estudio se emplearon venenos liofilizados de M. medemi de la Región Orinoquia, M. sangilensis de la Región Andina y M.lemniscatus de la Región Amazónica de Colombia, procedentes del Banco de Venenos del Instituto Nacional de Salud. El veneno liofilizado fue almacenado a temperaturas inferiores a -20 °C para su conservación en el laboratorio del Grupo de Investigación en Proteínas (GRIP) de la UNAL.
Accidente ofídico por corales
La investigadora comenta que en 2018 el boletín epidemiológico del Sivigila registró 4.441 casos clínicos confirmados de accidente ofídico, de los cuales 63 fueron ocasionados por serpientes del género Micrurus; en 2019 este sistema ha reportado 3.028 casos y 32 casos correspondientes a Micrurus.
“El veneno de las serpientes es una mezcla compleja de componentes orgánicos e inorgánicos que generan diversas manifestaciones metabólicas y fisiológicas ocasionando alteraciones en la homeostasis, encaminado a la inmovilización, digestión y muerte de la presa por parálisis respiratoria o cardíaca, para su alimentación, o como mecanismo de defensa”, indica.
En el caso de los venenos de las serpientes del género Micrurus, estos son conocidos especialmente por sus efectos neurotóxicos, al unirse al receptor nicotínico de manera competitiva en la unión neuromuscular o mediante la alteración de la liberación de acetilcolina en la neurona presináptica, llevando en cualquiera de las dos situaciones a una parálisis respiratoria de su presa o muerte del paciente si no se realiza un tratamiento adecuado y oportuno.
Cabe señalar que en Colombia existen 28 especies, pero solo se han desarrollado investigaciones con seis venenos de especies del país, entre las cuales se encuentran M. mipartitus, M. dumerilii, M. dissoleucus, M. lemniscatus, M. spixii y M. surinamensis.
Fuente: Agencias

el dispensador de las almas en tránsito hacia la eternidad de la cual provienen (un cielo para cada estrella, tantas estrellas como espíritus navegando la eternidad) - by Cerasale Morteo, Víctor Norberto | Salta | ARGENTINA - 03 de SEPTIEMBRE de 2019 [01] ONCE AÑOS reescribiendo la consciencia del alma... un viaje a vuelo de pájaro sobre la eternidad y la Caja de Pandora del espíritu humano...

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el dispensador de las almas en tránsito hacia la eternidad de la cual provienen (un cielo para cada estrella, tantas estrellas como espíritus navegando la eternidad) - by Cerasale Morteo, Víctor Norberto | Salta | ARGENTINA -  03 de  SEPTIEMBRE de 2019 [01] ONCE AÑOS reescribiendo la consciencia del alma... un viaje a vuelo de pájaro sobre la eternidad y la Caja de Pandora del espíritu humano... 
La imagen puede contener: 1 persona
La imagen puede contener: 1 persona
el dispensador dice: 
lentamente,
vengo desde lejos,
buscando el rumbo, 
podría decirse "rumbeando",
siguiendo el horizonte,
como decorando,
despejando muros,
como pintando,
riéndome de mi mismo,
como cantando,
esquivando trampas,
como tejiendo,
evitando fuegos inventados,
como esculpiendo llamas,
así es que te digo,
que lentamente vengo,
andando observando humanos,
conductas raras,
infiernos inventados,
llantos desparramados,
quejas y mucho más reclamos,
al comienzo me detenía,
para ayudarlos,
hasta que fui entendiendo,
que de nada sirve la mano que se desprecia,
cuando el afecto es ocaso,
y el amanecer conveniencia,
les complace vivir de apuro,
pero mucho más hacerlo de urgencia,
y en la emergencia,
he seguido caminando,
guardándome la paciencia,
mirando hacia mi mañana,
siguiendo mi propia estrella,
esa que me ha venido guiando,
llevándome hacia la conciencia...
ya no reniego de andanzas,
ni de mentiras,
ni de traiciones,
ni de las rabias,
zigzagueo en la trayectoria,
evitando depredadores,
esos que siempre aparecen,
esos que nunca se cansan...
es raro el humano macho,
vive encapsulado sin alma...
es raro el humano hembra,
vive creando enemigos,
para justificar las cizañas,
que otro olvida... que otro refleja...
¿sabe don cuánto se pierde,
el humano en su viaje errante?...
se pierde de vivir la vida,
juntando engaños que pesan,
que inmovilizan el espíritu como dique en piedra,
acumulando agua turbulenta,
acumulando agua quieta,
que se ensucia por no atender su curso,
interferido por antojo de humana quimera...
y así le digo que me voy andando,
tal como he venido desde mi estrella,
me voy para mi horizonte,
con un diario escrito en la memoria,
que nadie conoce... que nadie lee...
porque a cada paso se borra... 
eso que llaman huella. SEPTIEMBRE 03, 2019.-
te dije que vayas lento,
el que te aguarda verdaderamente,
ése siempre te espera...
donde menos lo imaginas,
allí aparece como cualquiera...
La imagen puede contener: 1 persona
Carmen Conde Sedemiuqse Esquimedes

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NUESTRA SEÑORA DE LA MEDALLA MILAGROSA

NUESTRA SEÑORA DE LA MEDALLA MILAGROSA
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The scientific works of Nasiraddin Tusi - Azerbaijan Geographic Society

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The scientific works of Nasiraddin Tusi - Azerbaijan Geographic Society



Mud Volcanoes of Azerbaijan



THE SCIENTIFIC WORKS OF NASIRADDIN TUSI



(the begining of article: “The scientific work of scientist in the limelight”)
 
I want to mention that, Tusi’s most works, which aren’t known by people, are kept in ancient libraries of Tehran, Tabriz, Istanbul, Baghdad, Damascus and Near East without being analyzed and specialists have to work on them. The scientist is the first author of most discoveries in the field of mathematics. But foreign scientists often use his discoveries.
As it was mentioned above, most scientific works of Nasiraddin Tusi haven’t been learned by European researchers enough and so, some actual works of the scientist have been published by plagiarists as their own works.
Tusi’s comprehensive scientific activity amazed people of all time. The Syrian historian Abul Faraj Bar Hebraeus worked in Maragha observatory in XIII century. He wrote about the observatory in his “General history”: “I got an opportunity to work in Maragha library, which was full of books written in Syrian, Arabic and Persian. The library wasn’t smaller than the library of Alexandria of Egypt and was the greatest library of the world for number of scientific works kept there”.
It proves that, Maragha library had a great role in development of the science and culture. Bar Hebraeus could get acquainted with very significant historical materials there. The Syrian historian wrote about Tusi in his “General history”: “The Turkish philosopher, well-known scientist, mathematician Nasiraddin Tusi was introduced to me (in 1264). He had invented equipments (astronomical) for observations and created bigger (in comparison with Ptolemy’s circles) copper circles. He had visited Alexandria in order to observe and record planets’ movements. Scientists of different countries gathered around him in Maragha.
He got salaries and grants of scientists and students for them. He had a lot of works – translation of “Logic”, researches on theology and natural sciences… Besides it, he is the author of “Ethics” (“Akhlagi Nasiri” – R. D.) written in Persian. He collected thoughts of Platoon and Aristotle about applied philosophy there. He had got acquainted with works of ancient philosophers either and didn’t deny them”.
Such popular scientist couldn’t not to attract attention of scientists, philosophers, thinkers and intellectuals of the West. N. Tusi was popular all over the world and his scientific heritage was discussed everywhere from Chine to Europe. There were enough information about him in large libraries of Europe and Near East in the middle ages.
The value of the annual precession of the Earth’s rotation axis was determined as 51//4 in Maragha observatory under the leadership of Nasiraddin Tusi (modern value is 51//2). There are a lot of mathematical, astronomical and geographical tables in “Zij-i Ilkhani”. The most important tables are tables of sinuses and tangents in sexagesimal numeral system and tables of geographic coordinates of 256 cities, which were known in XIII century. 
Muhammad Nasiraddin Tusi (1201-1274)

Several astronomical catalogues consisting of geographic coordinates were made in the East before XIII century. But “Zij-i Ilkhani”, which was written in Maragha, was very different for exactness of measurements. Geographic coordinates of Peking and Cordova, which were situated in the East and West of the Old World, were fixed almost precisely in mentioned catalogue and distance between East and West of the Old World was calculated at the result of it. The length of the equator was almost equal to the modern value.
So, the width of the Atlantic Ocean was more than the width of the Old World. It meant that, there should be a large land area in the middle of the Atlantic Ocean. Coordinates of its eastern and western coasts had to be determined. According to “Zij-i Ilkhani”, Tusi and science collective of Maragha observatory could cope with this job successfully.
 
                       Best regards, the member of Azerbaijan Geographic Society,
                President grant holder on literature, laureate of the “Golden pen” award,                             
                                               writer/ investigator Ramiz Daniz
                                                    
                                             email: ramizdeniz65@gmail.com,
                                             n.tusi.1965@mail.ru

Muslim Heritage in Mechanics and Technology: Outline of a Program for Future Research « Muslim Heritage

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Muslim Heritage in Mechanics and Technology: Outline of a Program for Future Research « Muslim Heritage



Muslim Heritage in Mechanics and Technology: Outline of a Program for Future Research

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by Mohammed Abattouy


The following text is the revised and expanded version of a lecture presented at The Royal Society in London (1st March 2007) during a meeting of the Muslim Heritage Awareness Group (MHAG) in which Mohammed Abattouy outlines a potential future research program in Muslim Heritage in the fields of mechanics, technology and engineering....
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Mohammed Abattouy *
The following text is the revised and expanded version of a lecture presented in The Royal Society in London (1st March 2007) at the meeting of the Muslim Heritage Awareness Group (MHAG).
Table of contents
3.1 Theoretical mechanics
3.2 Applied mechanics and engineering
***
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Figure 1: Eilhard Wiedemann (1852-1928), Professor of Physics at Erlangen University in Germany and pioneer historian of Arabic physics and technology. See: Literatur von und über Eilhard Wiedemann in the Catalogue of the Deutschen Nationalbibliothek.
I am so glad and honored to be among you in this meeting and to address your venerable assembly as a new member of the Foundation for Science, Technology and Civilisation in Manchester, an institution with which I share the approach and the method in disseminating knowledge about Muslim scientific and technological achievements.
The history of Islamic science has undergone great progress in the last three decades. The field has been almost completely rewritten. A great deal of work has been done in the study of Islamic technology and engineering. In this field, two main series of contributions must be mentioned: the work of the German school – mainly by Eilhard Wiedemann and his collaborators in the first quarter of the 20th century, and the research conducted by Donald Hill, Ahmad Yûsuf al-Hassan and their collaborators in the last quarter of the 20thcentury.
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Figure 2b: Front cover of Islamic Technology: An Illustrated History by A.Y. Al-Hassan and D.R. Hill (Cambridge University Press, 1986).
These two phases of scholarship established an inventory of the available knowledge and highlighted important aspects of the Muslim contribution to practical mechanics and engineering. Hence, significative texts were edited and translated, mainly the treatises of machines by Banū Mūsā, al-Jazarī and Taqī al-Dīn Ibn Ma’rūf. The book Islamic Technology by Hill and al-Hassan, published in 1986, produced a comprehensive survey of the field that showed the richness of Islamic technology and its various social and economic dimensions.
Figure 2: Recent milestones in the study of Islamic technology and engineering: front covers of the edition and translation of the treatises of mechanics of Banū Mūsā and Al-Jazarī by Donald R. Hill, Ahmad Y. Al-Hassan and their collaborators.
In theoretical mechanics, a main contribution is represented by the reconstruction of the corpus of the Arabic ‘ilm al-athqāl or the science of weights, a field touched upon previously by scholars in a very limited way but of which the scope remained uncovered. In the late 1990s, I had the privilege and honour to design an overall project of research to reconstruct the textual corpus of the Arabic science of weights. This project was supported by the Max Planck Institute for the History of Science in Berlin with which I collaborated for several years. The first outcome of this research project stressed on one hand the Arabic transformation of Greek mechanics into an independent theoretical branch, and on the other hand made clear that the history of medieval mechanics is an intercultural history in which many common features shape both the Arabic ‘ilm al-athqāl and the Latin scientia de ponderibus. As my work has proven, the latter rose in Europe from the 13thcentury onwards in the works attributed to Jordanus and was at least partially a direct outcome of the translation of Arabic mechanical materials [for references, see the extensive bibliography appended below].
Figure 3a: Colorful diagram of mīzān al-hikma (the balance of wisdom) designed by Al-Isfizārī and Al-Khāzinī and described in detail by Al-Khāzinī in Kitāb mīzān al-hikma (515 H). This image was displayed in 2001 by Sam Fogg (www.samfogg.com) as part of an original manuscript that was being exhibited among its holdings. Since then, this manuscript is referred to among the holdings of the University of Pennsylvania: Lawrence J. Schoenberg Database of Manuscripts, MS LJS 386.
Figure 3b: Diagram of the balance of wisdom drawn by H. Bauereiss in his dissertation under the direction of E. Wiedeman: Zur Geschichte des spezifischen Gewichtes im Altertum und Mittelalter. Erlangen, 1914, p. 31.
Figure 3c-d: Two views of the balance of wisdom as reconstructed by H. Bauereiss and F. Keller (1908-1911), rediscovered by M. Abattouy in the Deutsches Museum in Munich in 2002 (item invent. Nr. 31116). © Max Planck Institut für Wissenschaftgeschichte, 2002.
In this respect, let me point out that among representative instruments relevant to the research on the science of weights are two Islamic steelyard balances kept in the Science Museum in London. The largest one has a wrought-iron beam of 2.37m long that can weigh until 1820 pounds. The smaller one is a medium balance of about 1.30m.
Figure 4: Arabic steelyard (10th century) kept in the Science Museum in London (accession number Inv. 1935-457). A scale of silver is inlaid along its 2.37m long, wrought-iron beam. It bears two suspending elements, and corresponding calibrations: one ranging from zero to 900ratl-s ; the other ranging from 900 to 1820 ratl-s (1 ratl ≈ 1 pound). © The Science Museum, London.
Figure 5: Intercultural history of theoretical mechanics: Greek-Arabic-Latin.
The outstanding and unprecedented work done by Professor Salim al-Hassani and the FSTC on Al-Jazarī’s machines yielded a new approach to the historical objects by reconstructing animated models of them so that we see the machines in action and understand their principles and functions. This approach was applied to the famous pump for raising water of Al-Jazarī and explained the transmission of force on the basis of the conversion of circular motion in rectilinear displacement, a discovery that has been credited for decades to Leonardo da Vinci, but which was performed by al-Jazarī three centuries earlier. This approach may be applied to a large variety of machines and will show the same efficiency. Indeed, when we see the machine working on the animation, it is hard to say, as some historians did, that the machines described in Arabic mechanical treatises were just toys or imaginary devices.
Nevertheless, despite the progress that I have just outlined rapidly, the field of Islamic science as an academic discipline seems to get winded on the institutional level and suffers from a real isolation in the academic world and among the general public. Besides general reasons linked to cultural remains, one of the reasons of this deplorable situation is to be found in the inflation of textual and philological concerns, and the isolation of science from the spiritual, cultural, and material components of Islamic civilisation. In this respect, it is not by chance if the sociological analysis of Islamic science is yet almost inexistent even though a very large amount of original texts and critical literature is available since several decades.
Given this situation, I think it is time to open a new phase in the history of Islamic science and technology, by putting the focus on the interconnected fields of mechanics, technology and engineering with the ambition to stress the scientific and technological dimensions of the material culture of the Islamic civilisation, especially in what concerns objects, artifacts, machines and instruments, whether this analysis concerns instruments already scrutinized by historians or those still to be investigated. It is not easy to outline a detailed program of research in such a limited time. Therefore I mention just a short insight of what we might do together through the cooperation that I enjoy with my colleagues in the FSTC in order to contribute to the renewal of our knowledge of the contribution of Islamic civilization to the exciting and successful human adventure of science and technology.
This cooperation will focus on three main domains:
1. To reconstruct the history of mechanics, technology and engineering in the classical civilisation of Islam in a global approach including the Islamic West. A lot of information is already available but it still needs to be organized and systematized. In this respect, special attention should be paid to the real extent the influence of the Islamic technology had upon medieval and pre-modern Europe. This decisive influence is proven in science (mathematics, astronomy, optics), but in technology we don’t as yet know precisely if and how something similar had occurred. For instance, as far as we know, no Latin translation of Al-Jazarī’s text was performed, but the knowledge of Arabic in Europe until the 17th century was far more developed than what we may think now. Given the wide circulation of Al-Jazarī’s treatise in the Islamic world, as it is proven by the numerous existing manuscripts that were preserved, we shouldn’t discard the very plausible hypothesis that the text attracted the attention of European travelers in the 15th or 16th centuries and was brought to Europe. A systematic research in the European archives, especially in Italy, may yield a great surprise in this respect.
Figure 6a: A sophisticated water raising machine of Al-Jazarī, from manuscript to virtual reconstruction: see Salim Al-Hassani et al. (2008), Al-Jazari’s Third Water-Raising Device. © FSTC and www.MuslimHeritage.com.
Figure 6b: The six-cylinder water pump of Taqī al-Dīn Ibn Ma’rūf: manuscript drawing and virtual design. See : The Six-Cylinder Water Pump of Taqi al-Din by Salim Al-Hassani et al. (2008). © FSTC and www.MuslimHeritage.com.
On the other hand, special interest will be devoted to the work the 11th century Andalusian ‘Alī Ibn Khalaf al-Murādī, author of the unique technological manuscript we received from the brilliant Andalusian tradition. The text is entitled Kitāb al-asrār fī natā’ij al-afkār; it is preserved in the Codex Medicea-Laurenziana Or. 152, Florence, Italy. It was copied and used at the court of Alphonse VI in Christian Spain in the 14th century, where Arabs, Jews and Christian scholars worked together for decades. Even if the manuscript is presently in a bad material shape, it deserves close scrutiny and should be checked carefully. Only one of its machines was described by Spanish scholars led by Juan Vernet; the rest will certainly repay investigation.
Figure 7: Two pages from the MS of al-Murādī’s treatise Kitāb al-asrār fī natā’ij al-afkār preserved in the Codex Or. 152 preserved in the Library Medicea-Laurenziana, Florence, Italy.
Figure 8: Two views from the graphical reconstruction of al-Murādī’s clock by Spanish scholars: see J. Vernet, R. Casals and V.M. Villuendas,Awraq (Madrid ), no. 5-6, 1982-83.
Figure 9: Original drawing of a clock from al-Murādī’s manuscript and its reconstruction by J. Vernet, R. Casals and V.M. Villuendas.
2. The second mission regards research related to the restoration of machines and technological remains, in order to show that these were not just toys or ornaments, but real machines that worked at their time and were identical to the historical descriptions we have in the sources where they were described. Examples here are numerous. The most significant of them are several clocks disseminated around the Islamic world, from Damascus in Syria to Fez in Morocco. Some of these machines are the oldest of their kind in the world, like the Bouanania clock in Fez, and should be taken care of not only by Muslims but by humanity at large. The restoration of these jewels of ancient technology will not only make them live again, in their original milieu, but will also produce a tremendous cultural and symbolic impact on the people living in their vicinity.
3. The third aspect of our collaboration regards the reinforcement of the use of the internet as a media to popularise the results of professional research and to introduce the debate on Islamic science and technology in education, mass media and culture. This means that we continue our policy of putting different materials on the internet and to improve it by providing free access to more sophisticated materials such as original and translated texts, virtual museums, pictures and video presentations. The aim is to attain a critical mass of materials in order to make the presence of Islamic science on electronic media effective and not just symbolic. In this respect, a special attention should be devoted to building a digital library of scientific and technological texts, with the tools available now to the last generation of data bases, like a technical dictionary, powerful search facilities, analytic short articles, appropriate links to the existing materials on the net, etc.
The work in this field has begun several years ago and the websites of the FSTC are massively visited every day. Our common ambition is to enlarge the community that benefits from the work done so far and gain new visitors, like the scholars and experts who, for the most, work as individuals or in small groups, and receive little feedback on their academic work.
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Figure 10: Scheme of the program “Electronic Media at the service of Muslim Heritage”.
The new methodological shift to orient the history of Muslim science and technological heritage will certainly correct the philological and textual inflation that marked the history of Islamic science as a discipline and turned it out as a narrow domain of research for scholars cut from other parts of historical knowledge and from present day life.
On another level, we should think also of the way to promote Muslim heritage and popularize it in the Arab and Muslim world. I am attempting this in Morocco, where the young people and students have a great thirst to learn and are highly receptive. Within our collaboration and with the conjunction of our efforts, I am sure we will achieve great results.
Click here to view the next page of References and further readings.
3.1 Theoretical mechanics
  • Abattouy, Mohammed 1997. Arabic Tradition of Mechanics and Engineering: General Survey and Prospects for Future Research. Berlin: Max Planck Institut für Wissenschaftsgeschichte, Preprint no. 76.
  • Abattouy, M. 1999. “The Arabic Tradition of Mechanics: Textual and Historical Characterization.” Review of the Faculty of Letters and Humanities in Fez (Fez), vol. 12, pp. 75-109.
  • Abattouy, M. 2000. “La tradition arabe de la balance: Thābit Ibn Qurra et al-Khāzinī”. In: Jawanib min tatawur al-afkar al-‘ilmiya hata ‘l-‘asr al-wasit. Rabat, pp. 49-61 (French section).
  • Abattouy, M. 2000. “Al-Muzaffar al-Isfizari ‘alim mikaniki min al-qarnayn 5-6 H (11-12 CE) mu’allif Irshad dhawi al-irfan ila sina’at al-qaffan“. In: Jawanib min tatawur al-afkar al-‘ilmiya hata ‘l-‘asr al-wasit. Rabat, pp. 135-175 (Arabic section).
  • Abattouy, M. 2000. “Sur quelques démonstrations grecques et arabes de la loi du levier: transmission et transformation”. In: Aliyat al-istidlal fi ‘l-‘ilm. Rabat, pp. 7-43 (French section).
  • Abattouy, M. 2000. 2000. “Mechane vs. hiyal: Essai d’analyse sémantique et conceptuelle.” In: Al-khayal wa dawruhu fi taqaddum al-ma’rifa al-‘ilmiya. Rabat, pp. 127-151. Published in Berlin: Max Planck Institut für Wissenschatsgeschichte, 2000, Preprint no. 152.
  • Abattouy, M. 2001. “Nutaf min al-hiyal: An Arabic Partial Version of Pseudo-Aristotle’s Problemata mechanica.” Early Science and Medicine (Brill) vol. 6: pp. 96-122.
  • Abattouy, M. 2001. “Greek Mechanics in Arabic Context: Thābit Ibn Qurra, al-Isfizārī and the Arabic Traditions of Aristotelian and Euclidean Mechanics”. Science in Context (Cambridge University Press) vol. 14: pp. 179-247.
  • Abattouy, M. 2002. “The Arabic Science of Weights: A Report on an Ongoing Research Project.” BRIIFSvol. 4, no. 1: pp. 109-130.
  • Abattouy, M. 2002. “The Aristotelian Foundations of Arabic Mechanics: From the Ninth to the Twelfth Century.” In The Dynamics of Aristotelian Natural Philosophy from Antiquity to the Seventeenth Century.Edited by C. Leijenhorst, C. Lüthy and H. Thijssen. (Medieval and Early Modern Science, vol. 5). Leiden: Brill, pp. 109-140. [Published in Berlin: Max Planck Institut für Wissenschatsgeschichte, Preprint no. 195, 2002].
  • Abattouy, M. 2003. “‘Ulum al-mikanika fi al-gharb al-islami al-wasit: dirasa awwaliya”. Al-fikr al-ilmi al-‘l-Maghrib. Rabat, pp. 91-121.
  • Abattouy, M. 2004. “Al-Khāzinī.” In: Lexikon bedeutender naturwissenschaftler. Heidelberg-Berlin: Spektrum Academischer Verlag, vol. 2, pp. 310-311.
  • Abattouy, M. 2004. “Science des poids et hisba: Prolégomènes à l’étude des structures sociales de la mécanique arabe médiévale.” In: Paradigmatic Elements in Scientific Thought. Rabat, pp. 119-130.
  • Abattouy, M. 2004. “Islāh comme un mode éditorial d’appropriation: La tradition arabe de Maqāla fī ‘l-mīzān un traité sur la théorie du levier attribué à Euclide.” Review of the Faculty of Letters and Humanities in Fez (Fez), vol. 13, pp. 153-193.
  • Abattouy, M. 2004. “Min ‘ilm al-hiyal ila ‘ilm al-athqal: wilada thaniya li-‘l-mikanika”. Mafhum al-taqaddum fi ‘l-ilm. Rabat, pp. 89-109.
  • Abattouy, M. 2005. ” Al-Qistās al-mustaqīm: la balance droite de ‘Umar al-Khayyām.” Farhang. Quarterly Journal of Humanities and Cultural Studies (Tehran) vol. 18 (no. 53-54): pp.155-166.
  • Abattouy, M. 2006. The Arabic Transformation of Mechanics: The Birth of the Science of Weights.
  • Abattouy, M. 2007. “La tradition arabe de Maqāla fī ‘l-mīzān un traité sur la théorie du levier attribué à Euclide.” Ayené-ye Miras (Mirror of Heritage). Quarterly Journal of Book Review, Bibliography and Text Information (Tehran) New series vol. 5: no. 1.
  • Abattouy, M. 2007. The Arabic Partial Version of Pseudo-Aristotle’s Mechanical Problems.
  • Abattouy, M. (editor) 2007. Etudes d’Histoire des Sciences Arabes. Textes réunis et présentés par Mohammed Abattouy. Casablanca: Publications of King Abdulaziz Foundation for the Humanities and Islamic Studies.
  • Abattouy, M. (editor) 2007. La science dans les sociétés islamiques: approches historiques et perspectives d’avenir. Edité par Mohammed Abattouy. Casablanca: Publications of King Abdulaziz Foundation for the Humanities and Islamic Studies.
  • Abattouy, M. 2007. L’Histoire des sciences arabes classiques: une bibliographie sélective commentée.Casablanca: Publications of King Abdulaziz Foundation for the Humanities and Islamic Studies.
  • Abattouy, M. 2008. Bibliography on Taqi Al-Din.
  • Aghayani Chavoshi, Jafar, & Bancel, Faïza 2000. “Omar Khayyām et l’Hydrostatique”. Farhang. Quarterly Journal of Humanities and Cultural Studies (Tehran) vol. 12: pp. 33-49.
  • [Archimedes and Philon] 2001. Archimedes and Philon in the Arabic Tradition. Texts and Studies.Collected and reprinted by F. Sezgin et al. (Natural Sciences in Islam, 37). Frankfurt: Institut für Geschichte der Arabisch-Islamischen Wissenschaften.
  • Bauerreis, Heinrich 1914. Zur Geschichte des spezifischen Gewichtes im Altertum und Mittelalter.Erlangen: Jung & Sohne.
  • Berggren, Lennart J. 1983. “The Correspondence of Abū Sahl al-Kūhī and Abū Ishāq al-Sābī: A Translation with Commentaries.” Journal for the History of Arabic Science vol. 7: pp. 39-124. [Edition and translation of a scientific correspondence of the 10th century].
  • Brown, Joseph E. 1967. The ‘Scientia de Ponderibus’ in the Later Middle Ages. PhD dissertation. Madison: The University of Wisconsin. [Major work, still unpublished; deals in part with certain aspects of the Latin tradition of Arabic mechanics, especially that of the Liber karastonis, the Latin translation of Kitāb fī ‘l-qarastūn by Thābit Ibn Qurra].
  • Büchner, E. 1920-21. “Die Schrift über den Karastun von Thabit b. Qurra”, Sitzungsberichte der Physikalisch-Medizinischen Sozietät in Erlangen part 52-53, pp. 141-188. [Edition of the Liber Karastonis, the Latin translation by Gerard of Cremona of Kitāb fī ‘l-qarastūn by Thābit Ibn Qurra, with commentaries].
  • Clagett, Marshall 1959. The Science of Mechanics in the Middle Ages. Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press.
  • Curtze, Maximilian 1874. “Das angebliche Werk des Euklides über die Waage.” Zeitschrift für Mathematik und Physik vol. 19: pp. 262-63.
  • Curtze, M. 1900. “Zwei Beitrege zur Geschichte der Physik im Mittelalter. 1. Das Buch Euclids de gravi et levi. 2. Der Tractatus de fractionibus et flexionibus radiorum des Robertus Linconiensis.” Bibliotheca mathematica vol. 3: pp. 51-59.
  • Drachmann A.G. 1963. “Fragments from Archimedes in Hero’s Mechanics.” Centaurus vol. 8: pp. 91-146.
  • Heinen, Anton 1983. “At the Roots of the Medieval Science of Weights. A Report on an Edition Project.” The Journal of Sophia Asian Studies (Tokyo) vol. 1: pp. 44-55.
  • Héron d’Alexandrie 1988. Les Mécaniques ou l’élévateur des corps lourds. Texte arabe de Qustā Ibn Lūqā établi et traduit par B. Carra de Vaux. Introduction de D.R. Hill. Commentaires par A.G. Drachmann. Paris: Les Belles Lettres. Reprint of the editio princeps with French translation published in the Journal Asiatique (1893, reissued in volume in Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1894).
  • Heron von Alexandria 1976. Heronis Alexandrini Opera quae supersunt. 5 vols. Vol. 2: Mechanica et catoprica. Edited by L. Nix and W. Schmidt. Stuttgart: B.G. Teubner. Reprint of the first edition: Leipzig, 1899-1914.
  • [Heronis arabus] 2001. Hero of Alexandria in the Arabic tradition. Texts and Studies. Collected and reprinted by F. Sezgin et al. (Natural Sciences in Islam, 38). Frankfurt: Institut für Geschichte der Arabisch-Islamischen Wissenschaften.
  • Ibel, Thomas 1908. Die Wage im Altertum und Mittelalter. Erlangen: K.B. Hof und Univ. Buchdruckerei von Junge und Sohn. [In origin a doctorate dissertation, Die Waage bei den Alten, Erlangen University, 1906 (Midden-Oosten Weegwerktuigen, Programm des K. Luitpoldprogymnasiums, Forchheim); general study on the Ancient and medieval history of the balances. Reprinted in [Ibel 2001]. The Knowledge of Weights in the Islamic World. Texts and Studies. Collected and reprinted by F. Sezgin et al. 2 vols. (Natural Sciences in Islam, 45-46). Frankfurt: Institut für Geschichte der Arabisch-Islamischen Wissenschaften. Vol. 1 contains: Thomas Ibel, Die Wage im Altertum und Mittelalter (1908) et H. Bauerreiss, Zur Geschichte des spezifischen Gewichtes… (1914).
  • Jackson, David E.P. 1970. The Arabic Version of the Mathematical Collection of Pappus Alexandrinus Book VIII. Doctorate Thesis. Cambridge: Cambridge University.
  • Jackson, D.E.P. 1987-88. “Scholarship in Abbasid Baghdad with Special Reference to Greek Mechanics in Arabic.” In: Quaderni di Studi Arabi, Atti del XIII Congresso dell’Union Européenne d’Arabisants et d’Islamisants (Venezia, 29 Settembre-4 Ottobre 1986). Venezia: Universitá degli Studi di Venezia, pp. 369-390.
  • Jaouiche, Khalil 1974. “Le Livre du qarastūn de Thābit Ibn Qurra: Etude sur l’origine de la notion de travail et du calcul du moment statique d’une barre homogène.” Archive for the History of Exact Sciences vol. 13: pp. 325-347.
  • Jaouiche, K. 1976. Le Livre du qarastūn de Thābit Ibn Qurra. Etude sur l’origine de la notion de travail et du calcul du moment statique d’une barre homogène. Leiden: Brill.
  • Khanikoff, N. 1860. “Analysis and Extracts of Kitāb mīzān al-hikma, an Arabic Work on the Water-balance, written by al-Khāzinī in the Twelfth Century. By the Chevalier N. Khanikoff, Russian Consul-general at Tabriz, Persia.” Journal of the American Oriental Society vol. 6: pp. 1-128.
  • Khāzinī, al-, Abu ‘l-Fath Abdurahman 1359 H [1940]. Kitāb mīzān al-hikma. Hyderabad: Da’irat al-ma’arif al-‘uthmaniya.
  • Khāzinī, al-, 2001. Mīzān al-hikma by Abū ‘l-Fath ‘Abdarrahmān al-Khāzinī (d. after 1121). Texts and Studies. Collected and reprinted by F. Sezgin et al. (Natural Sciences in Islam, 47). Frankfurt: Institut für Geschichte der Arabisch-Islamischen Wissenschaften.
  • Knorr, Wilbur R. 1982. Ancient Sources of the Medieval Tradition of Mechanics: Greek, Arabic and Latin Studies of the Balance. Supplemento agli Annali dell’Istituto e Museo di Storia della Scienza (Monografia no. 6). Florence: Istituto e Museo di Storia della Scienza.
  • Mazahéri, Ali 1960. “L’origine chinoise de la balance ‘romaine’.” Annales. Economies-Sociétés-Civilisations(Paris) no. 5: pp. 51-83.
  • Moody, Ernst and Clagett, Marshall 1952. The Medieval Science of Weights (Scientia de Ponderibus). Treatises Ascribed to Euclid, Archimedes, Thābit Ibn Qurra, Jordanus and Blasius of Parma. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. 2nd edition 1960.
  • Rozhanskaya, Mariam M. 1987. “On a Mathematical Problem in al-Khāzinī’s Book of the Balance of Wisdom.” In: From Deferent to Equant, edited by D.A. King and G. Saliba, pp. 427-436.
  • Rozhanskaya, M.M. 1991. Abū ‘l-Fath ‘Abd al-Rahmān al-Khāzinī (XIIth Century). Moscou: Nauka. [Bio-bibliographical study on al-Khāzinī; in Russian].
  • Rozhanskaya, M.M. 1996. “Statics”. In: Encyclopaedia of the History of Arabic Science, edited by R. Rashed. London: Routledge, vol. III, pp. 614-642.
  • Rozhanskaya, M.M. 1997. “Les méthodes infinitésimales dans la mécanique Arabe.” Archives Internationales d’Histoire des Sciences vol. 47: pp. 255-270.
  • Sauvaire, Henri 1877. “A Treatise on Weights and Measures by Eliya Archbishop of Nisibin.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society vol. 9: pp. 291-313.
  • Sauvaire, H. 1880. “A Treatise on Weights and Measures by Eliya Archbishop of Nisibin. Supplement.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society vol. 12: pp. 25-110. [The two articles of Sauvaire consist in a French translation with commentaries of the treatise of weights by Ilyā al-Matrān (11th century). Reprinted in The Knowledge of Weights in the Islamic World. Texts and Studies. Collected and reprinted by F. Sezgin et al. (Frankfurt: Institut für Geschichte der Arabisch-Islamischen Wissenschaften, vol. 2, 2001)].
  • Steinschneider, S. 1863. “Intorno al Liber Karastonis“, Annali di matematica pura ed applicata (Roma) vol. 5: pp. 54-58.
  • Wiedemann, Eilhard 1910. “Über die Kenntnisse der Muslime auf dem Gebiet der Mechanik und Hydrostatik.” Archiv für Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften vol. 2: pp. 394-398.
  • Wiedemann, E. 1911-12. “Die Schrift über den Qarastun.” Biblioteca Mathematica vol. 12: pp. 21-39. [German translation of Kitāb fī ‘l-qarastūn by Thābit Ibn Qurra].
  • Wiedemann, E. 1913-16. “Al-Mīzān.” In: Encyclopedia of Islam, First Edition. Leiden: Brill, vol. 5, pp. 530-539.
  • Wiedemann, E. 1913-16. “Al-Karastūn.” In: Encyclopedia of Islam, First Edition. Leiden: Brill, vol. 4, pp. 757-760.
  • Woepcke, Franz 1851. “Notice sur des traductions arabes de deux ouvrages perdus d’Euclide.” Journal asiatique vol. 18: pp. 217-247. [Publication of the Arabic texts of two short treatises attributed to Euclid: Maqāla fī ‘l-mīzān (pp. 220-225) (with French translation: pp. 225-232) and the Division of figures (pp. 233-246)].
  • Wurschmidt, J. 1925. “Die Schrift des Menelaus über die Bestimmung der Zusammensetzung von Legierungen.” Philologus vol. 80: pp. 377-409.
  • Zotenberg Hermann Theodore 1879. “Traduction arabe du Traité des corps flottants d’Archimède.” Journal asiatique vol. 7: pp. 509-515.
3.2 Applied mechanics and engineering
  • Abū Sadīra, Taha al-Sayid, 1991. Al-hiraf wa ‘l-sina’at fi misr al-islamiya mundhu al-fath al-‘arabi hata nihayat al-‘asr al-fatimi. Cairo: The Egyptian General Book Organization.
  • Aiken, Jane Andrew 1994. “Truth in Images: From the Technical Drawings of Ibn al-Razzaz al-Jazari, Campanus of Novarra and Giovanni de Dondi to the Perspective Projection of Leon Battista Alberti.” Viator: Medieval and Renaissance Studies vol. 25: pp. 325-359.
  • Akman, Toygar 2008. An 800 Years Old Ancestor: Today’s Science of Robotics and al-Jazari.
  • Al-Hassan, Ahmad Y. 1976. Taqī al-Dīn wa-‘l-handasa al mīkanīkiya al-‘arabiya. Ma’a kitāb ‘Al-Turuq al-Saniya fī ‘l-ālāt al-rūhāniya’ min al-qarn al-sādis ‘ashar [Taqī al-Dīn and Arabic Mechanical Engineering. With the book The Sublime Methods in Pneumatic Machines from the sixteenth century]. Aleppo: Institute for the History of Arabic Science, 1976.
  • Al-Hassan, A.Y. & Hill, D.R. 1986. Islamic Technology. An Illustrated History. Paris/Cambridge: UNESCO/ Cambridge University Press. Paperback, Cambridge University Press. French translation: Sciences et techniques en islam: une histoire illustrée. Paris: Edifra, 1991.
  • Al-Hassan, A. Y. 1987. “Chemical Technology in Arabic Military Treatises. A Review of the Sources”. In: From Deferent to Equant. Edited by D.A. King and G. Saliba. New York: New York Academy of Science, pp. 153-166.
  • Al-Hassan, A. Y. et al. (editors) 2002. Science and Technology in Islam, vol. 4 of The Different Aspects of Islamic Culture. Paris: UNESCO.
  • Al-Hassan, A. Y.: Online articles on History of Science and Technology in Islam:Al-Jazari and the History of the Water Clock.
  • Al-Hassani, S. 2001. Al-Jazari: The Mechanical Genius.
    Al-Hassani, Salim 2004 . The Machines of Al-Jazari and Taqi al-Din.
    Al-Hassani, S. and 2008. The Self Changing Fountain of Banu Musa bin Shakir.
  • Al-Hassani, S.2008. The Astronomical Clock of Taqi Al-Din: Virtual Reconstruction.
  • Al-Hassani, S., and Ong Pang Kiat, Colin 2008. Al-Jazari’s Third Water-Raising Device: Analysis of its Mathematical and Mechanical Principles.
  • Al-Hassani, S. and Al-Lawati, M.A. 2008. The Six-Cylinder Water Pump of Taqi al-Din: Its Mathematics, Operation and Virtual Design.
  • Al-Hassani, S., and Abattouy, M. 2008. “La pompe hydraulique d’al-Jazarī (début du XIIIe siècle)”. In: L’Islam des découvertes. Paris: Editions Le Pommier (forthcoming).
  • Bir, Atilla 1990. Kitāb al-hiyal of Banū Mūsā bin Shākir Interpreted in the Sense of Modern System and Control Engineering. Istanbul: IRCICA.
  • Bir, Atilla, and Kacar, Mustafa, 2006. Pioneers of Automatic Control Systems.
  • Jaraki, al-, Abdel Aziz, 2007. When Ridhwan al-Sa’ati Anteceded Big Ben by More than Six Centuries.
  • Banū Mūsā 1981. Kitab al-hiyal. Edited by A. Y. Al-Hassan. Aleppo: Institute for the History of Arabic Science.
  • Bīrūnī, al-, Muhammad b. Ahmad 1983. Maqāla fī al-nisab allatī bayna al-filizāt wa al-jawāhir fī ‘l-hajm.Arabic text and Russian translation by Mariam M. Rozhanskaya and Boris A. Rozenfled. Nauchnoye nasledstvo [Scientific Heritage] (Moscow) vol. 6: pp. 141-160.
  • Bruin, Fr. 1970. Surveying and Surveying Instruments being chapters 26, 27, 29 and 30 of the Book on Finding Hidden Water by Abū Bakr Muhammad al-Karajī. Beirut.
  • Carra de Vaux, Bernard 1901. “Note sur les mécaniques de Bedi al-Zamman al-Gazari et sur un appareil d’hydraulique attribué à Apollonius de Perge.” Congrès d’Histoire de Paris, 5ème section, pp. 112-121. Reprinted in Badī’ Azzamān al-Jazari, (d. after 1206). Texts and Studies. Collected and reprinted by F. Sezgin et al. Frankfurt: Institut für Geschichte der Arabisch-Islamischen Wissenschaften, 2001.
  • Carra de Vaux 1902. “Le livre des appareils pneumatiques et des machines hydrauliques par Philon de Byzance.” Mémoires de l’Académie des inscriptions et des belles letters, 1902, vol. 38. Reprinted in Le livre des appareils pneumatiques et des machines hydrauliques par Philon de Byzance. Edité d’après les versions arabes d’Oxford et de Constantinople et traduit en français par le baron Carra de Vaux. Paris: Imprimerie nationale/Klincksieck, 1902.
  • Colin, Georges S. 1932. “La Noria marocaine et les machines hydrauliques dans le monde arabe.” Hespéris tome 14: pp. 22-60. Reprinted ins: Water-lifting Devices in the Islamic World. Texts and Studies.Collected and reprinted by F. Sezgin et al. Frankfurt: Institut für Geschichte der Arabisch-Islamischen Wissenschaften, pp. 36-74.
  • Comes, Mercè 1993-94. “Un procedimiento para determinar la hora durante la noche en la Córdoba del siglo X.” Revista del Instituto Egipcio de Estudios Islámicos vol. 26: pp. 263-272. [Describes a clock similar to that of Ibn Yūnus: see Kennedy et Ukashah 1969].
  • Cordoba de La Llave, Ricardo 1995. “Tecnologia de las norias fluviales de tradicion islamica en la provincia de Cordoba.” In: Agricultura y regadio en al-Andalus: sintesis y problemas. Almeria: Instituto de estudios almerienses.
  • Daiber, Hans 1992-94. “Sciences and Technology versus Islam. A Controversy from Renan and Afghani to Nasr and Needham and its Historical Background.”
    Journal for the History of Arabic Science vol. 10: pp. 119-134.
  • Decourdemanche, Jean-Adolphe 1908. Etude métrologique et numismatique sur les misqals et les dirhams arabes. Supplement to the Revue Numismatique (Paris) 2ème fascicule, 46 pp.
  • Delpech, Annette, Girard, François, Robine, Gérard, Roumi, Muhammad 1997. Les Norias de l’Oronte: analyse technologique d’un élément du patrimoine syrien. Damas: Institut Français de Damas.
  • Drachmann A.G. 1948. Ktesibios, Philon and Heron. A Study in Ancient Pneumatics. (Acta historica scientiarum naturalium et medicinalium, vol. 4). Copenhagen/Amsterdam: Munksgaard/ Swets & Zeitlinger.
  • FSTC 2008. 800 Years Later: In Memory of Al-Jazari, A Genius Mechanical Engineer.
  • FSTC 2008. Taqī al-Dīn Ibn Ma’rūf: A Special Section.
  • Glick, Thomas F. 1989. “Las Tecnicas hidraulicas antes y después de la conquista.” In: En torno al 750 aniversario: antecedentes y consecuencias de la conquista de Valencia. Valencia: Generalitat de Valencia, vol. 1, pp. 53-71.
  • Glick, T.F. 1995-96-97. “Irrigation and Hydraulic Technology in Islamic Spain: Methodological Considerations.” Journal for the History of Arabic Science vol. 11: pp. 3-19.
  • Glick, T.F. 1996. “Riego y tecnologia hidraulica en la España islamica: consideraciones metodologicas.” In: Ciencias de la naturaleza en al-Andalus. Edited by E. Garcia Sanchez et al. Madrid/Granada: C.S.I.C./Escuela de Estudios Arabes, vol. 4: pp. 71-91.
  • Glick, T.F. 1996. Irrigation and Hydraulic Technology: Medieval Spain and its Legacy. London: Variorum Reprints.
  • Glick, T.F. 1997. “La Transmision de las técnicas hidraulicas y de regadio del mundo islamico al mundo hispanico.” In: Al Andalus: allende el Atlantico. Granada: El Legado andalusi, pp. 222-233.
  • Goblot, Henri 1979. Les Qanats: Une technique d’acquisition de l’eau. Paris: Mouton.
  • Gonzalez Tascon, Ignacio 1995. “Ingenios y maquinas hidraulicas en el mundo andalusi.” In: El agua en la agricultura de Al-Andalus. Barcelona: Lunwerg, pp. 151-162.
  • Guardiola Gonzalez, Maria Dolores 1990. “Instrumental agricola en los tratados andalusies.” In: Ciencias de la naturaleza en al-Andalus. Edited by E. Garcia Sanchez et al. Madrid/Granada: C.S.I.C./Escuela de Estudios Arabes, vol. 1, pp. 108-149.
  • Guardiola G. 1992. “Utillaje de uso agricola en los tratados andalusies.” In: Ciencias de la naturaleza en al-Andalus, edited by E. Garcia Sanchez et al., vol. 2, pp. 171-220.
  • Hall, Robert A. 1970-80. “Al-Khāzinī.” In: Dictionary of Scientific Biography, edited by Charles Gillispie, New York: Scribners, vol. VII, pp. 335-351.
  • Hill, Donald R. 1974. The Book of Knowledge of Ingenious Mechanical Devices. An annotated translation of al-Jazarī’s Treatise. Dordrecht: Reidel. [English translation of the major treatise of al-Jazarī].
  • Hill, D.R. 1976. On the Construction of Water Clocks. Kitāb Arshimīdas fī ‘amal al-binkāmāt. London: Turner & Devereaux.
  • Hill, D.R. 1977. “The Banū Mūsā and the Book of Ingenious Devices.” History of Technology vol. 2: pp. 39-76.
  • Hill, D.R. 1978. “Technology and Mechanics (hiyal).” In: The Genius of Arab Civilization: Source of Renaissance. Edited by John Hayes. Cambridge (Mass.): The MIT Press (reprinted 1984), pp. 203-217.
  • Hill, D.R. 1979. The Book of Ingenious Devices. An Annotated Translation of the Treatise of Banū Mūsā.Dordrecht: Reidel.
  • Hill, D.R. 1980. “Mathematics and Applied Science.” Religion, Learning and Science in the Abbasid Period.Edited by M.J.L. Young, J.D. Latham et R.B. Serejant. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 248-273.
  • Hill, D.R. 1981. Arabic Water-Clocks. Aleppo: Institute for the History of Arabic Science.
  • Hill, D.R. 1984. History of Engineering in Classical and Medieval Times. London: Croom Helm.
  • Hill, D.R. 1985. “Al-Bīrūnī’s Mechanical Calendar.” Annals of Science vol. 42: pp. 139-163.
  • Hill, D.R. 1987. “Islamic Fine Technology and its Influence on the Development of European Horology.” Al-Abhath (Beyrouth: American University of Beirut) vol. 35: pp. 8-28.
  • Hill, D.R. 1991. “Arabic Mechanical Engineering: Survey of the Historical Sources.” Arabic Science and Philosophy vol. 1: pp. 167-186.
  • D. R. Hill, “Mechanical Engineering in the Medieval Near East”, Scientific American, May 1991, pp. 64-69.
  • Hill, D.R. 1993. Islamic Science and Engineering. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Arabic translation Kuwait, 2004.
  • Hill, D.R. 1993. “Science and Technology in Ninth-Century Baghdad.” In: Science in Western and Eastern Civilization in Carolingian Times. Edited by P. L. Butzer and D. Lohrmann. Bâle: Birkhäuser Verlag, pp. 486-502.
  • Hill, D.R. 1994. “From Philo to al-Jazarī”. In: Learning, Language, and Invention. Essays Presented to Francis Maddison. Edited by D.W. Hackmann and A.J. Turne. Aldershot: Variorum, pp. 188-206.
  • Hill, D.R. 1996. “Engineering.” In: Encyclopedia of the History of Arabic Science, edited by R. Rashed. London: Routledge, vol. III, pp. 751-795.
  • Hill, D.R. 1998. Studies in Medieval Islamic Technology: From Philo to al-Jazarī-From Alexandria to Diyār Bakr. Edited by David A. King. (Variorum Collected Studies Series). Aldershot, Eng. /Brookfield, Vt.: Ashgate.
  • Hill, D.R. and Squatriti, P. 1998. “A History of Engineering in Classical and Medieval Times.” Speculum vol. 73: pp. 11-43.
  • Hill, Donald R., and Al-Hassan, Ahmad Y., Engineering in Arabic-Islamic Civilization: Part One.
  • Ibn Aranbughā al-Zardkāsh 1985. Kitab al aniq fi ‘l-manjaniq. Edited by Ihsan Hindi. Aleppo: Publications of the Institute for the History of Arabic Science.
  • Ibn Aranbughā 2004. Ibn Aranbughā al-Zardkāsh (fl. 774-775/1373): Armoury Manual. Kitāb anīq fī l-manājnīq. Edited by F. Sezgin. Frankfurt: Institut für Geschichte der Arabisch-Islamischen Wissenschaften.
  • Al-Jazari, Abu ‘l-‘Izz b. Isma’il 1979. Al-Jami’ bayna al-‘ilm wa ‘l-‘amal al-nafi’ fi sina’at al-hiyal. Edited by A. Y. Al-Hassan et al. Aleppo: Publications of the Institute for the History of Arabic Science.
  • Jazarī, al-, Ibn ar-Razzāz Badī’ az-Zamān 2003. Al-Jāmi’ bayn al-‘ilm wa’l-‘amal an-nāfi’ fī sinā’at al-hiyal. Compendium on the Theory and Practice of the Mechanical Arts. Edited by F. Sezgin. Frankfurt: Institut für Geschichte der Arabisch-Islamischen Wissenschaften.
  • [Jazarī, al-] 2001. Badī’ Azzamān al-Jazarī (d. after 1206). Texts and Studies. Collected and reprinted by F. Sezgin et al. (Natural Sciences in Islam, 41). Frankfurt: Institut für Geschichte der Arabisch-Islamischen Wissenschaften.
  • Kâhya, Esin & Dosay Gökdogan, Melek & Demir, Remzi Gazi & Topdemir, Hüseyin & Unat, Yavuz 2003. Cezeri, Yesterday and Today. University of Ankara, Faculty of Letters, Research of the History of Science in Turkey.
  • Kennedy, Edward S. & Ukashah, Walid 1969. “The Chandelier Clock of Ibn Yūnis.” Isis vol. 60: pp. 543-545.
  • Kumarasvami, Ananda K. 1924. The Treatise of al-Jazarī on Automata: Leaves from a Manuscript of the ‘Kitāb fī ma’arifat al-hiyal al handasiya’ in the Museum of Fine Arts (Boston and elsewhere). Boston: Museum of Fine Arts.
  • Lorch 1981. “Al-Khāzinī’s Balance-Clock and Chinese Steelyard Clepsydra.” Archives Internationales d’Histoire des Sciences vol. 31: pp. 183-189.
  • Mansour, Mohamed 2002. A Review of Early Muslim Control Engineering.
  • Manzanares Japon, José Luis 2002. “La ingenieria civil en al-Andalus.” In: La herencia arabe en la agricultura y el bienestar de Occidente. Valencia: Universidad politécnica de Valencia, pp. 349-369.
  • Maqrīzī, al-, Ahmad Ibn ‘Alī 1800. Tractatus de legalibus Arabum ponderibus et mensuris. Olaus Gerhard Tychsen [Hrsg.] Ex codice academicae Lugduno-Batavae additis excerptis e scriptoribus Arabicis nec con variantibus lectionibus ad editam Makrizii historiam monetae Arabicae spectantibus. Rostock: Stiller. [Latin translation of the treatise of al-Maqrīzī on legal weights (al-awzān al-shar’iyya)].
  • McLachlan, Keith S. & Beaumont, Peter & Bonine, Michael (éditeurs) 1989. Qanāt, Karīz and Khattāra: Traditional Water Systems in the Middle East and North Africa. Wisbech, UK: Middle East and North African Studies Press.
  • Mohebbi, Parviz 1996. Techniques et ressources en Iran du 7ème au 19ème siècle. Tehran: Institut Français de Recherche en Iran.
  • Montmessin, Yves & Bazzana, André “Les norias fluviales de Fès: approche ethnoarchéologique d’une technique médiévale.” In: Du nord au sud du Sahara: bilan et perspectives de 50 ans d’archéologie en Afrique de l’Ouest et au Maghreb. Actes du colloque tenu à Paris les 13 et 14 mai 2002. Saint-Maur-des-Fossés: Sépia, pp. 331-347.
  • Nadarajan, Gunalan 2007. Automation and Robotics in Muslim Heritage: The Cultural Roots of al-Jazari’s Mechanical Systems.
  • Pearson, James Douglas 1984. A Bibliography of The Architecture, Arts, And Crafts of Islam by Sir K.A.C. Creswell, C.B.E. Second Supplement, Jan. 1972 to Dec. 1980 (with Omissions from Previous Years). Cairo: The American University in Cairo Press.
  • Price, Derek J.S. 1964. “Mechanical Water Clocks of the Fourteenth Century in Fez, Morocco”. In: Proceedings of the Tenth International Congress of the History of Science (Ithaca, N.Y, 1962). Paris: Hermann, pp. 599-602.
  • Gārī, Lutfallah 1996. Idha’at zawaya jadida li-tiqniya al-‘arabiya al-islamiya. Riyadh: King Fahd National Library.
  • Gārī, L. 1995-96-97. “Al-Alat al-mikanikiya fi turathina al-‘ilmi wa mawqi’ Kitab Al-Risala al-qudsiya“. Journal for the History of Arabic Science vol. 11: pp. 29-90.
  • Rammāh, al-, Najm al-Din Hassan 1998. Al-furusiya wa-‘l-manasib al-harbiya (al-barud wa al-niran al-harbiya wa-‘l-taqtir wa-‘l-niranjanat). Edited by A.Y. Al-Hassan. Aleppo: Publications of the Institute for the History of Arabic Science.
  • Ricard P. 1924. “L’Horloge de la Médersa Bou-Anania de Fès.” Bulletin de la Société de Géographie d’Alger et de l’Afrique du Nord vol. 25: pp. 248-254.
  • Rizvi, S.S.H. 1993. “Muslim Contributions to the Science of Measurements.” Islamic Thought and Scientific Creativity vol. 4: pp. 21-40.
  • Sa’ati, al-, Fakhr al-Din Ridhwan b. Muhammad 1981. ‘Ilm al-sa’at wa ‘l-‘amal biha. Edited by M. A. Dahman. Damascus: Maktab al-dirasat al-islamiya.
  • Sabra, A.I. 1977. “A note on Codex Medicea-Laurenziana Or. 152.” Journal for the History of Arabic Science vol. 1: pp. 276-283.
  • Saliba, George 1985. “The Function of Mechanical Devices in Medieval Islamic Society.” Science and Technology in Medieval Society, edited by Pamela Long. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciencesvol. 441: pp. 141-51.
  • Saliba, G. 1999. “Artisans and Mathematicians in Medieval Islam.” Journal of the American Oriental Society vol. 119: pp. 637-645. [Review of Gülru Necipoglu 1995, The Topkapi Scroll. Geometry and Ornament in Islamic Architecture (Santa Monica CA: The Getty Center for the History of Arts and the Humanities)].
  • Sajanqadār Sha’rānī 2003. Al-turuq al-saniya fi ‘l-alat al-ruhaniya: dirasa tahliliya li-makhtut Taqi al-Din ibn Ma’ruf. Kuwait: Dar al-athar al-islamiya.
  • Schiøler, Thorkild 1973. Roman and Islamic Water-Lifting Wheels. Odense: Odense University Press.
  • Schmidt, F. 1929. Geschichte der Geodätische instrumente und Verfahren im Altertum und Mittelalter.Reprinted in Frankfurt: Institut für Geschichte der Arabisch-Islamischen Wissenschaften, 1991.
  • Sezgin, F. et al. (editors) 2001. Water-Lifting Devices in the Islamic World: Texts and Studies. Collected and reprinted. (Natural Sciences in Islam, 43). Frankfurt: Institut für Geschichte der Arabisch-Islamischen Wissenschaften.
  • Sezgin, F. et al. (editors) 2001. General Technology. Texts and Studies. Collected and reprinted. (Natural Sciences in Islam, 39). Frankfurt: Institut für Geschichte der Arabisch-Islamischen Wissenschaften.
  • Sezgin, F. et al. (editors) 2001. Musical Automata and the Organ. Texts and Studies. Collected and reprinted. (Natural Sciences in Islam, 42). Frankfurt: Institut für Geschichte der Arabisch-Islamischen Wissenschaften.
  • Sezgin, F. et al. (editors) 2001. Banū Mūsā ibn Shākir (9th Century). Texts and Studies. Collected and reprinted. (Natural Sciences in Islam, 40). Frankfurt: Institut für Geschichte der Arabisch-Islamischen Wissenschaften.
  • Shams, al-, Majid ‘Abdallah 1977. Muqaddima li-‘ilm al-mikanik fi al-hadhara al-‘arabiya. Bagdad: Publications of the center for revivification of Arabic scientific heritage.
  • Shawqī, Jalal 1973. Turath al-‘arab fi ‘l-mikanik. Beirut: ‘Alam al-kutub.
  • Shawqī, J. 1995. ‘Usul al-hiyal al-handasiya fi ‘l-tarjamat al-‘arabiya. Kuwait: Foundation for the Advancement of Science. [Study of the Pneumatics of Philon of Byzantium (fl. ca 250 BCE), which survived only in Arabic, together with various materials on mechanics in the Islamic tradition].
  • Shehadeh, Kamal & Hill, Donald R. & Lorch, Richard 1994. “Construction of a Fluting Machine by Apollonius the Carpenter.” ZGAIW vol. 9: pp. 326-356. [Arabic Text and English translation of a short text attributed to Apollonius (already translated in German by Wiedemann in 1905), dealing with the construction and the use of a mechanical instrument].
  • Stchoukine, Ivan 1934. “Un manuscrit du traité d’al-Gazarī sur les automates du XIIème siècle.” Gazette des beaux-arts vol. 11: pp. 134-140.
  • Tarsūsī, al-, Mardhī b. ‘Alī b. Mardhī 2004. Al-Tarsūsī… (12th century), Treatise on Military Technology. Tabsirat arbāb al-albāb fī kaifiyyat al-najāt fī l-hurūb. Instruction of the Valiant on Prevailing in War.Edited by F. Sezgin. Frankfurt: Institut für Geschichte der Arabisch-Islamischen Wissenschaften (Series C71).
  • Tazi, Abdelhadi 1981-85. “L’horloge hydraulique.” In: Le mémorial du Maroc. Rabat: Editions Nord, vol. 3, pp. 53-71.
  • Tekeli, Sevim 1966. 16’inci Asirda Osmanlilar’da Saat ve Takiyüddin’in “Mekanik Saat Konstrüksüyonuna Dair En Parlak Yildizlar” Adli Eseri. [“Clocks in the Ottoman Empire in the 16th century” (text in Turkish, English and Arabic]. Doctorate dissertation, University of Ankara.
  • Tekeli, S. 2002. “The Clocks in the Ottoman Empire in the 16th Century and Taqī al-Dīn’s The Brightest Stars for the Construction of the Mechanical Clocks.” Ankara: T.C. Kültür Bakanligi.
  • Tekeli Sevim, Melek Dosay, and Yavuz Unat 2002. Cezeri, el-Câmi beyne’l-Ilm ve’l-Amel en-Nâfi fh Sinaâti’l-Hiyel. Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu. [Facsimile publication of a manuscript of al-Jazārī’s treatise].
  • Vernet, Juan 1978. “Un texto arabe de la corte de Alfonso X el Sabio: un tratado de automatas.” Al-Andalus vol. 43: pp. 405-421.
  • Vernet, J. 1981. “Alfonso X. el Sabio: Mecánica y Astronomía.” Commemoración del Cente¬nario de Alfonso X el Sabio. Madrid, pp. 23-32.
  • Vernet, J. 1992. “Natural and Technical Sciences in Al-Andalus.” In: The Legacy of Muslim Spain. Leiden: Brill, vol. 2, pp. 937-951.
  • Vernet, J 1993. “Ingenieria mecanica del Islam Occidental.” Investigacion y ciencia (Barcelona) no. 201: pp. 46-50.
  • Vernet, J. & Casals, R. & Villuendas, M.V. 1982-83. “El capitulo primero del Kitāb al-asrār fī natā’ij al-afkār.” Awraq no. 5-6: pp. 7-18.
  • Wiedemann, E. 1918. “Über Schalen, die beim Aderlass verwendet werden und Waschegasse nach Gazari.” Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin vol. 11: pp. 22-43.
  • Wiedemann, E. 1984. Gesammelte Schriften zur arabisch-islamischen Wissenschafts-geschichte. 3 vols. Frankfurt: Institut für Geschichte der Arabisch-Islamischen Wissenschaften. Vol. 1: Schriften 1876-1912; vol. 2: Schriften 1912-1927; vol. 3: Schriften in Zusammenarbeit mit Fritz Hauser. [Contains the articles not included in Wiedemann 1970].
  • Wiedemann, Eilhard & Hauser, Fritz 1915. Uber die Uhren im Bereich der islamischen Kultur. Halle: Karras.
  • Wulff, Hans 1966. Traditional Crafts of Persia. Their Development, Technology, and Influence on Eastern and Western Civilizations. Cambridge (Mass.): The MIT Press.
  • Yavuz Unat, 2003. “Two Scientists in History of Technology: Jazarī and Taqī al-Dīn.” Proceedings of the Congress ‘Turkish Science and Technology’. Edited by Emre Dölen and Mustafa Kaçar. Istanbul: The Turkish Society for History of Science, pp. 75–94. [In Turkish].* Professor of History and Philosophy of Science, Mohammed Vth University, Rabat. Senior Research Fellow, Foundation for Science, Technology and Civilisation (FSTC), Manchester, UK. Chief Editor: http://www.MuslimHeritage.com.

Manuscript Review: ‘The Indica’ or ‘Al-bayruni’s India,’ by Al-Bayruni​ « Muslim Heritage

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Manuscript Review: ‘The Indica’ or ‘Al-bayruni’s India,’ by Al-Bayruni​ « Muslim Heritage



Manuscript Review: ‘The Indica’ or ‘Al-bayruni’s India,’ by Al-Bayruni​

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Bayruni conducted advanced research and wrote original standard works in different areas of knowledge - such as mathematics, astronomy, astrology, physics, pharmacology, cosmology, mineralogy, geography, history, chronology and cultural anthropology......
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Editor’s Note: The following is an extract from N.A Baloch’s ‘The Great Books of Islamic Civilisation’. This is a short summary of Al-Bayruni​’s  ‘The Indica’ or ‘Al-bayruni’s India.’
***
Abu al-Rayhan Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Bayruni was born in the outer part (bayrun) of Kath, the capital of Khwarazm (`Madinah Khwarazm’) on Thursday, the 3rd of Dhu al-Hijjah, 362 A.H. (973 A.D.) and died in Ghazni in 443 A.H.[1] Known by the honorific title of `al-Ustadh‘ (`The Master’) he was an intellectual giant of his times. He remained in pursuit of knowledge for all his life, and even while on the death bed he inquired from a friend who had come to see him, about the number of rotations which a particular planet made.

Figure 2. USSR stamp, Abū Rayhān al-Bīrūnī, 6 copecks, 1973 (Source)
Bayruni conducted advanced research and wrote original standard works in different areas of knowledge – such as mathematics, astronomy, astrology, physics, pharmacology, cosmology, mineralogy, geography, history, chronology and cultural anthropology. The number of books he wrote on these subjects would count up to 180. He excelled in his knowledge of classical languages as well as vernaculars of Central Asia, wrote both in Arabic and Persian, translated from Sanskrit and also composed verse in it.
Bayruni studied in Kath and was already an accomplished scholar, scientist and author when under the changed political events in his native country, grave otherwise but fortuitous for him, he got the long awaited opportunity to conduct his researches on ‘Indian’ subjects under the liberal patronage of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni. In 407 A.H.
(1016-17), when Bayruni was serving as a trusted courtier and advisor to Prince Abu al- ‘Abbas al-Mamun of Khwarazm, the army rebelled and assassinated the Prince who was a brother-in-law of Sultan Mahmud. Thereupon, the Sultan occupied Khwarazm, punished the rebels, and patronized the learned men of the Mamunid Court including Bayruni. For long, Bayruni had been in search of original source books on Hindu astronomy and he now saw it clearly that for his Indian studies Ghazni was his future destination. The Sultan’s favour and patronage offered a welcome opportunity to him to accompany the Sultan to Ghazni. There he conducted his research without any interference and to his entire satisfaction.

Figure 3. Google honors Al-Biruni’s Birthday with this Doodle (Source)
From Ghazni, Bayruni continued on his field studies, undertook journeys into the interior of the Subcontinent and traveled as far as Multan and possibly more southwards to Sind. Sometime during the years 411-414 A.H. (1020 – 1924 A.D.) he visited and stayed at Fort Nandana (Jhelum district) and conducted his memorable experiment whereby he determined more precisely the length of one degree of the arc of the meridian circle, and calculated the radius and the circumference of the Earth — his figures coming very close to the modern ones. He made oral inquiries, studied the source materials, obtained Sanskrit texts and collected all information he possibly could during a period of about 12 years (408-420/1017-1029), and wrote as many as 28 works on the Indian subjects. His extensive studies and expositions had developed a full- fledged discipline of `Indology’.

Figure 4. An illustration from al-Biruni’s astronomical works, explains the different phases of the moon (Source)
The most celebrated of his works on this subject is the INDICA or ALBERUNI’S INDIA. These are brief and convenient titles improvised by modern scholars, the latter one by Edward Sachau. Bayruni himself gave his book a much more expressive and versified title. It would seem that in a delightful moment of having seen the book completed, he couched its title in verse as if symbolizing the local Sanskrit tradition in which the texts were usually composed in verse:
Kitaab mali al-Hind min maqulah maqbulatun fi al-aql ano mardhulah.
Translated literally it would mean:
“The Book is Based on the Indians’ own Tradition Acceptable to Reason, or Prone to Rejection”.
Bayruni had collected the needed information both from oral and written sources and he authored this book at Ghazni during the course of 5 months (30 April – 30 September) in the year 1030 A.D.
Figure 5. The Bakhshali manuscript (discovered in Peshawar, Pakistan) contains the oldest recorded example of the symbol that we use for zero today, 3rd-4th Century C.E (Source)
The INDICA is comprehensive in exposition of the cultural achievements of the Indians, predominantly though not exclusively of the Hindus. Historically, it happens to be the first book on record, demonstrating ‘complete, objective and scientific description of a culture’. Thus, Bayruni became ‘Father of the Science of Cultural/Social Anthropology’. Edward C. Sachau, the producer of “Alberunis India” (an English version of Bayruni’s original text) observed in 1888 as follows. “In general, it is the method of our author not to speak himself, but to let the Hindus speak, giving extensive quotations from their classical authors. He presents a picture of Indian civilization as painted by the Hindus themselves” (Preface p. xxiv). “As far as the present state of research allows one to judge, the work of Alberuni has not been continued” (Preface, p. xiii). Indeed, in its scheme and exposition of the Indian culture in all its essential dimensions, the INDICA stands unsurpassed to this day.

References


[1] In absence of a clear contemporary evidence, the year 443 A.H. can be validly inferred from the more relevant references on record (Cf. Ghurrat al-Zijat or Karan Tilaka, Arabic text, ed. N.A Baloch, Sind University, Pakistan, Oct., 1973, Preface).

Constantine the African and the Qayrawani doctors: Contribution of the ‘Phoenicians’ of North Africa to Latin Medicine in the Middle Ages and Renaissance « Muslim Heritage

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Constantine the African and the Qayrawani doctors: Contribution of the ‘Phoenicians’ of North Africa to Latin Medicine in the Middle Ages and Renaissance « Muslim Heritage





Constantine the African and the Qayrawani doctors: Contribution of the ‘Phoenicians’ of North Africa to Latin Medicine in the Middle Ages and Renaissance



When a sixteenth-century medical writer referred to Phoenicians, alongside Arabs, as exceptionally important medical sources, he was probably referring to the Muslim and Jewish doctors of Qayrawan, who were writing in Arabic in the tenth century, and Constantine the African, who was translating their writings into Latin in the late eleventh century. The resultant corpus of medical works, transmitted initially from the Benedictine monastery of Montecassino, formed the core of medical education in the West, and continued to be influential into the Renaissance. See also articles on ‘Salerno and Constantine the African’, ‘Kairouan’ and ‘The Aghlabids of Tunisia’ in Muslim Heritage....
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Article Banner:  An early illustrated work dealing with the school of Salerno. The cover shows Constantine the African lecturing to the school. From Anastasiuset al., Regimen sanitatis Salernitanum (Source)
On the title page of a medical work published in Lyons in 1517 we read:
‘The New Practice (of medicine) of the Lyonais compiler, Lord Symphorien Champier, concerning all the kinds of diseases, <compiled> from the traditions of the Greeks, the Latins, the Arabs, the Phoenicians, and recent authors, <in> five golden books.’[1]
In the preface Symphorien Champier refers to the ‘Arabs and Phoenicians, as the most serious and brilliant interpreters <of medicine>’  (fol. 3v: ‘Arabes vero et Penos velut gravissimos splendidissimosque interpretes’), and on a typical page, from book four, we read the heading ‘From the tradition of the Phoenicians and the Arabs’ (fol. 86r: ‘Ex traditione Penorum et Arabum’; Figure 1). The Arabs and Phoenicians are also mentioned in other works of Symphorien Champier, such as in his preface to De curatione pleuritidis per venae sectionem autore Andrea Turino (‘On the cure of pleuresis through bloodletting, by Andrea Turino’), published in Basel in 1537, where we have the phrase ‘Andrea has the support of all the Arabs and Phoenicians’ (sig. a2 verso: ‘Habet et Andreas secum Arabes et Pœnos omnes’).

Figure 1. Symphorien Champier, Practica nova, Lyons, 1522, f. 86 recto.
Symphorien Champier (1471-1539) was a prolific humanist and doctor, who spent his career in Lyons, and wavered between attacking the science of the Arabs and embracing it.[2] Using the Classical adjective ‘Peni/Poeni’ he is referring to the Phoenicians, who wielded power over the Western Mediterranean from their base in Carthage from the ninth to the third century BCE. But it is not these ancient Phoenicians that Symphorien has in mind. The quotations attributed to them turn out to be from the works of Isaac Isra’ili and his translator Constantine the African. Since they both from the area formerly under control of the Phoenicians—Ifriqiya, roughly equivalent in area to modern Tunisia—he can honour them with the Classical title of ‘Phoenician’.
We know about the life of Constantine only from Western sources (mainly Peter the Deacon and a certain ‘Matthew F.’).[3] These, naturally, are much vaguer about his life before he suddenly appeared at Salerno, the leading medical school in the West. He is said to have been born in ‘Carthago’ (‘Carthage’). He then travelled throughout the known world (Babylonia, India, Ethiopia and Egypt) in pursuit of knowledge. But on his return home he was persecuted by the ‘Afri’ (‘Africans’), and ‘secretly fled to Salerno’, where he found the state of medical learning so poor in comparison with what he knew in his native land, that he immediately returned home and collected a number of Arabic manuscripts on medicine, intent on bringing them to Salerno to improve the standards there. Unfortunately, he suffered shipwreck on Cape Palinuro, and staggered into Salerno with only half his manuscripts. This account probably deliberately recalls Aeneas’s own journey from Carthage to Italy (after the episode with Dido), and the drowning of his oarsman Palinurus, after which the cape took its name.[4]
The story from here on is somewhat clearer, since we are now on the same soil as the biographers, and backed up by contemporary documents. He was in Salerno by 1077, but in 1078 he entered the Benedictine Abbey of Montecassino (the mother house of the Benedictine Order), as a monk. His entry coincided with the splendid revival of the abbey under Abbot Desiderius (1058–1086), who later became Pope Victor III (1086-7). Desiderius’s Montecassino was a centre for Greek learning as well as Arabic. The Abbey had its own infirmary where certain monks performed the role of doctors and nurses. But even more so, it had its own scriptorium, where texts were copied and illustrated. This was the gateway through which Arabic medicine first entered Europe. Constantine died there in the very last years of the eleventh century. He was always known as the African (sometimes with the addition ‘monk of Montecassino’).
But how much faith can we put in the story that he originated from Carthage? In the mid-eleventh century Carthage was a ruin. After the Romans sacked the Phoenician city, it re-emerged as a Roman city, the capital of Africa Proconsularis, which coincided with the borders of modern Tunisia, with an extension along the coast eastwards. As such it survived into the Christian era. It was the capital of the exarchate of Africa, an administrative division of the Byzantine Empire encompassing its possessions in the Western Mediterranean, and ruled by an exarch (viceroy). The exarchate was created by Emperor Maurice in the late 580s and survived until the Muslim conquest of the Maghreb in the late seventh century. Carthage was destroyed in 698, but it was still possible to speak of a ‘bishop of Carthage’. Pope Leo IX (1049-54) urged African bishops in 1053 to support the archbishop of Carthage, who ‘presided over the entire African church, and was second only to the Pope’.[5] The name ‘Carthage’ harked back to the Classical city, but, in fact, by this time, what had been left of ancient Carthage was subsumed into the area of the newly emerging Arabic city of Tunis, which started to rise to prominence as the chief city of the Arabic region of Ifriqiya in 1059. This is the very time that Constantine might have been in this region, and thus, with some justification (and maintaining the ‘Classicizing’ language of Latin humanists), he could be called a ‘Poenus’.
In all likelihood Constantine belonged to a Christian community in Africia/Ifrikiya–even a community that still had some knowledge of Latin.[6] It is unclear for how long Romance continued to be spoken, but its influence on North African Arabic (particularly in the language of northwestern Morocco) indicates it must have had a significant presence in the early years after the Arab conquest. In the twelfth century the geographer al-Idrisi, describing Gafsa in southern Tunisia, writes that ‘its inhabitants are Berberised, and most of them speak the African Latin tongue (al-laṭīnī al-ifrīqī)’.[7] Calques like dura mater, pia mater for the two meninges covering the brain—al-umm al-jāfiya and al-umm al-raqīqa—might suggest the native knowledge of Latin or ‘African Romance’.
But Constantine was not Champier’s only Poenus. He also mentions ‘Isaac’. In this he is referring to the chief Arabic author whose works Constantine translated. In fact, Constantine relied on the works of three authors, who were related as a succession of master and pupil: Isḥaq ibn ‘Imran (d. ca. 903-9), his pupil Isḥaq al-Isra’ili (who died in the mid-tenth century, Champier’s ‘Isaac’) and Isḥaq’s pupil Abu Ja‘far ibn al-Jazzar (who died in 980). These doctors all lived and worked in al-Qayrawan, 184 kilometers south of Tunis and the most important city in Ifriqiya before the rise of Tunis. In 800 the Aghlabids made al-Qayrawan their capital and there followed a period of prosperity and cultural flowering. The Shi’ite Fatimids arose in Ifriqiya and, replacing the Aghlabids in 909, spread over the whole of the North African coast, making Cairo their capital. But the Zirids were their vassals in al-Qayrawan, and brought about another period of splendor for al-Qayrawan. However, when they declared their independence, the Fatimids in Cairo encouraged the Banu Hilal to invade Ifriqiya from the West and, in 1057, they utterly destroyed al-Qayrawan. In 1059 the population of Tunis swore allegiance to the Hammadid prince al-Nasir ibn Alnas, who was based in Bejaia (in modern-day Algeria), and this was the beginning of the rise of Tunis in power and population. This political upheaval could be what Peter the Deacon referred to as the reaction against Constantine that forced him to leave Africa. Whatever the case, it would not be a stretch to call the Arabic doctors and medical writers of al-Qayrawan also ‘Poeni’, and Constantine could just as easily have been a Poenus of al-Qayrawan as of Tunis (or of both).
Isaac, of course, was a Jew. Jews formed an important part of the population of al-Qayrawan which was a center of Talmudic and Halakhic scholarship until forced conversion in 1270. Another pupil of his was Dunash Ibn Tamim, another Jew—who was well known for his astronomical and cosmological learning, including, as it now seems, a cosmology attributed to Masha’allah in two Latin translations, called De orbe (‘On the World’).[8]
So what were these ‘Phoenician’ sources that Champier could have had access to? What were the works that Constantine translated?
A story goes that, as a kind of letter of introduction and witness to his competence, he presented the short Introduction to Medicine of Hunayn ibn Isḥaq to Alfano, archbishop of Salerno (1058-1085), when he arrived in Salerno.[9] This story may be apocryphal. The earliest version of the Isagoge is heavily Grecized, and could already have belonged to a South Italian trend of translating works on physics and astronomy from Greek and, when the Greek was not available, from Arabic, but giving the appearance that they were all translated from Greek. [10] Alfano himself (archbishop 1058-1085) translated Nemesius’s On the Nature of Man from Greek into Latin, whilst an unknown translator rendered parts of the same work from Arabic. In this case Constantine might have been responsible for making the text of the Isagoge less Greek. In any case it is an apt text from which to begin any account of the medical corpus translated from Arabic at the time .
The Isagoge gives, in very straightforward terms, the basic elements of Greco-Arabic humoral medicine. This is already clear from its opening:[11]
Medicine is divided into two parts, i.e. in theory and practice, of which theory is divided into three: into the observation of natural things, of non-natural things and those which are contrary to nature, from which the knowledge of health, illnesses and the neutral state arises… Natural things are seven in number, namely elements, mixtures, composite bodies, limbs, forces, actions, spirits. Others have added to these four others factors, namely ages, colours, appearances and the difference between male and female.[12]
This Isagoge was to form the first text of the corpus of Latin medical texts known as the Ars medicinae or Articella, which has survived in over 200 manuscripts, and incorporated texts translated from Greek as well as from Arabic: Hippocrates, Prognostics and Aphorisms (both from Arabic), Philaretus, On Pulses, and Theophilus, On Urines (both Byzantine Greek texts), and finishing with Galen’s Tegni or Ars parva (a general guide to medicine). But parallel to these texts, and exceeding them in quantity were translations that no modern scholar disputes belong to Constantine.
Constantine contributed several texts of the Qayrawani doctors, and a magnum opus which summates his life work and was probably left incomplete on his death.
The oldest of the Qayrawani corpus is a text by by Isḥaq ibn ‘Imran, On Melancholy, which deals with psychological diseases and their cure.[13] More substantial are the works of the Qayrawani doctor, Isḥaq Isra’ili.
An appropriate introduction is provided by Constantine’s preface to his translation of his work on urines:
Among Latin books I was able to find no author who published reliable and authoritative learning concerning urines. Hence I turned to the Arabic language, in which I found a wonderful book with information on this subject. This book I, Constantine the African, a monk of Montecassino, decided to translate into the Latin language, so that I might obtain a reward for my soul from my efforts and might widen the path for those beginning to learn about urines. This book has been collected and excerpted from ancient authors. From it one can easily approach the knowledge of urine, and also its divisions and indications. It was composed in Arabic by Isaac, the adoptive son of Solomon, and he divided it into ten parts.[14]
Urines were an important diagnostic aid. In the frontispiece of one manuscript of this text Constantine is depicted as a monk, receiving urine bottles from his patients (see Figure 2).

Figure 2. The Preface to Isaac Isra’ili’s On Urines, from Oxford, Bodl., Rawl. C. 328, f. 3r (image in public domain)
The rubric reads:
Here is Constantine, the monk of Montecassino, who is like the fount of this knowledge. He was well known for his judgements concerning all illnesses. In this book and in many other books he shows the true cure. Women come to him with <their> urine so that he can tell them what illness they are suffering from.[15]
The other texts of Isḥaq translated by Constantine were his books on fevers, and two books on healthy living: the Diaetae universales (‘General rules on health living’) and Diaetae particulares (‘Particular rules on health living’). These deal respectively with general effects on diets of age, gender, location and time of year, and specific foodstuffs.
The list of texts translated by Isḥaq’s pupil Ibn al-Jazzar includes works on healthy sexual intercourse (fi ’l-jimāde coitu), on the stomach, on forgetfulness (fi ’l-nisyān, de oblivione)—this being written in response to a letter to Ibn al-Jazzar from somebody who had been suffering from ‘too much forgetfulness and inability to retain things as a result of too much reading’.[16]
The most important work of Ibn al-Jazzar that he translated, however, is the Zād al-musāfir, or ‘Guide to the Traveller’ (in Latin: Viaticum), whose full title is ‘Guide to the Traveller and Nourishment to the One who Stays at Home’ (… wa-qūt al-ḥāḍir). As the title is meant to imply, this is a self-help manual, for the patient who has no access to a doctor—or even to a pharmacist, for it provides ingredients for medicines which can easily be found in the locality of the patient. A famous example of its contents appears among the remedies for what we would call psychological diseases: in this case, lovesickness, which appeared also as a separate text (Liber de heros morbo—‘The Book on the Heroic Disease’).[17]
In case of sickness caused by excessive love, to prevent men from being submerged in excessive brooding, tempered and fragrant wine should be offered, and hearing various kinds of music, speaking with dear friends…
Rufus says: ‘’Sadness is taken away not only be wine drunk in moderation but also by other things like it, such as a temperate bath. Hence it is that when certain people enter a bath, they are inspired to sing. Therefore certain philosophers say that the sound is like the spirit, the wine is like the body of which the one is aided by the other.’[18]
The major work of Constantine the African, however, was his adaptation of the Kitāb or Kunnāsh al-malakī (‘The Royal Collection’), or Kāmil as-sinā’a aṭ-ṭibbiya (‘The Complete Book of the Medical Art’) of ‘Ali ibn al-‘Abbas al-Majusi al-Arrajani. Kunnāsh is originally a Syriac word indicating a collection of treatises, or a work of encyclopedic character, while Kāmil ainā ‘at also indicates the comprehensiveness of the book. ‘Ali ibn al-‘Abbas lived during most of the tenth century (chronologically between the Arabic doctors Abu Bakr al-Razi and Ibn Sina). His nisbas indicate that he was a Zoroastrian from a Persian town situated between Shiraz and Ahwaz, and his work (his only work) was dedicated to the Buyid emir ‘Adud ad-Dawla who ruled in Shiraz and Baghdad from 949-83.[19] But the work must have spread westwards soon after its composition. It was certainly known in al-Andalus in 1068 when Ṣa’id al-Andalusi mentions the author and his book ‘as the best encyclopedia (kunnash) of medicine that he knows’.[20] So it is not surprising that Constantine should have got to know it in Ifriqiya. The Arabic text consists of ten books of theory and ten books of practice.
Constantine evidently regarded his version of this book as his most important work. He dedicated it to Abbot Desiderius in a florid style:
To the lord abbot of Montecassino, Desiderius, the most reverend father of fathers—nay rather the shining jewel of the whole ecclesiastical order, Constantine the African, although unworthy, nevertheless his monk,… <dedicates this work>.[21]
He gives it a name which picks up the ‘completeness’ in the Arabic title: ‘Pantegni’—a title concocted from two Greek words, meaning ‘all’ and ‘the art’, mirroring the Arabic title Kāmil aṣ-ṣinā ‘a, and the book promises to include the ten books of theory and the ten books of practice which the Arabic has. In fact, this is not exactly what we have. Perhaps because of the shipwreck on Cape Palinurus, most of the early manuscripts have only the ten books of theory and two and a half books of the practice, while later manuscripts have completed the practice, following the order of subject matter of ‘Ali ibn al-‘Abbas’ text, but replacing the contents with those of a variety of other texts, some being translations by Constantine and his circle, others pre-Salernitan Latin medical texts. Thus, some short texts of Ibn al-Jazzar are included:  On Leprosy, and On Degrees (of qualities in medicines). The Viaticum above all is used to fill up the Practica. Since some chapters come from the Liber aureus of Constantine’s pupil, Johannes Afflacius (a Muslim convert, also a monk at Montecassino), it may be that he (or other students) was responsible for adding some of the material. But the compilatory nature of the work is also implied by Constantine’s own words at the beginning of the Pantegni (Theorica): that he is the author in the sense of being the ‘coadunator’ of the whole work—somebody who puts together the whole thing from many books.[22]
‘Ali ibn al-‘Abbas’s own name does not appear in any of the manuscripts. Sometimes the work is attributed to the better-known ‘Rhazes’ (i.e. Abu Bakr Muhammad ibn Zakariyya ar-Razi).[23] But usually only Constantine’s name is given, and for this he was much criticized by later scholars, and especially by Stephen of Antioch who, in 1127, made a much more literal translation of the whole 20 books of the Kitāb al-malakī.[24] But, nevertheless, the Pantegni was very popular, surviving in over 100 manuscripts.
One reason for this popularity was 1) that it was the first fully comprehensive medical textbook, covering anatomy, surgery, regimen, diseases from head to toe, and fevers which afflicted the whole body, and finally giving a comprehensive list of materia medica and their properties (the pharmacy). Avicenna’s Canon was to fulfil the same roll and eventually to displace the Pantegni in the education of the doctor, but it wasn’t translated until a century later, by Gerard of Cremona. 2) That it was written in an accessible language. Constantine does not stick close to the Arabic, but paraphrases, abbreviates, avoids the excessive Greek terminology of earlier medical texts, and invents calques on the Arabic that are easy to understand (the already mentioned dura mater and pia mater), or retains the Arabic word, e.g. ṣifāq—‘peritoneum’, or part of the uterus–as siphac.[25] 3) The marketing strategy of the Benedictine monasteries, of which Montecassino was the hub. 4) The universalising of the relevance of medicine.
Constantine introduces ‘Ali ibn al-‘Abbas’s text with these words:
Since the whole of science has three principal parts—for all secular or divine letters are subject to logic, ethics or physics—many people have wondered to which of these parts ‘literal’ medicine should be subject. It is not put under logic alone, since neither invention nor judgement are predominant in it. It is not subject to physics alone, since it does not depend only on necessary arguments, whether they can be proved or not. It seems absurd to subject it to ethics alone, since it is not its intention to dispute about morals alone. But, since the doctor ought to be a dealer in natural and moral things, it is clear that, because it falls into all (categories), it must be subject to all different ways of thinking. Hence I, Constantine, weighing up the very great usefulness of this art, and running through the volumes of the Latins, when I saw them, in spite of their number, not to be sufficient for introducing <medicine>, I turned to our old or modern writers.[26]
The first chapter (where Constantine returns to ‘Ali ibn al-‘Abbas’s text) is a version of the Hippocratic Oath in which the one who wants to be a doctor should promise to honour his parents and his teacher, not to practice medicine for the sake of money, not to make poisons, not to learn how to abort unborn children, not to make amorous advances to the patient’s wife, maidservant or daughter, be ready to hear confessions from the patient which he would not dare to confess to his parents, and to read assiduously (and memorise the contents, in case you lose a book).
What is striking is that, when it came to printing the text, the work was no longer attributed to ‘Ali ibn al-‘Abbas, or even to Constantine, but to the Qayrawani doctor, himself, Isaac, and is printed alongside the other texts that are genuinely by Isaac, and Isaac is even given as the author of Ibn al-Jazzar’s Viaticum. The editor, Andrea Turino of Pescia, refused to publish these translations under the name of Constantine, because, he says, ‘everybody knows full well that Constantine stole these works’ (‘apud omnes liquido compertum sit id Constantini furtum esse’). Even when the original author cannot be recognized, we must suspect, Turino says, Constantine of theft, as is clear in the case of the Viaticum (‘ … Addidimus multa Constantini opuscula verentes et illa furta esse, ut de Viatico manifeste patet’); all the writings under his name fall under suspicion. As the title of the Pantegni Turino gives: ‘The book, Pantegni, of Isaac Isra’ili the adopted son of Solomon, king of Arabia: which Constantine the African, the monk of Montecassino, claimed was his own work’. [27]

Figure 3. Frontispiece to Omnia opera Ysaac, Lyons, 1515, showing Halyabbas (‘Alī ibn al-‘Abbās al-Maǧūsī), Ysaac (Isḥaq al-Isra’ili) and Constantinus monachus (Constantine the African)
This edition was printed by Barthélemi Trot in Lyons in 1515 (see Figure 3). It is endorsed by none other than Symphorien Champier, the citizen of Lyons, who, as the ‘illustrissimus philosophus’, addresses Andrea Turino with fulsome praise, for sweating over the emendation of the works of Isaac. When we return to the Practica nova (‘The New Practice’), published two years later, we find that Champier repeats his arguments for the authorship of Isaac.[28] And we can make sense of the quotation of the passage of the Viaticum as being by ‘Constantinus sive Isaac’ (‘Constantine or Isaac’). Champier gives the reference in the margin: ‘Isaac or Constantine in Isaac, the fourth <book> of the Viaticum chapter 14’ (‘Isaac sive Constantinus in Isaac .iiii. Viatici caput .xiiii.’; see Figure 1).
While there is some appropriateness in calling both Constantine and Isaac ‘Poeni’ there remains the question as to what led Symphorien Champier to adopt this name. Did he mean to suggest something distinctive about the contribution of the ‘Poeni’, as opposed to the ‘Arabes’—a different geographical origin, or a different kind of medicine? This seems unlikely, since he always groups the ‘Poeni’ and ‘Arabes’ together. But it might also be possible to see the reference to ‘Poeni’ in the light of a Classicizing tendency both in the eleventh-twelfth century and in the Renaissance. To openly declare in the late eleventh that one’s work was taken from the Saracens would not, perhaps, have been the best way to advertise its value, at a time when Christians were in open conflict with Muslims in Spain and Sicily and the First Crusade was just about to begin. in the late eleventh. But to imply that Constantine the African’s itinerary was similar to that of Aeneas restored some respectability to what he achieved. Just as Aeneas brought the benefits of Phoenician royal culture from Carthage to Rome and founded Roman civilisation, so Constantine brought medicine (including a ‘royal’ book) from Carthage to Salerno and founded Western medicine.

Bibliography and References to Burnett

Printed books
  • Bloch, H., Montecassino in the Middle Ages, 3 vols, Rome, 1986. An incredibly rich description of the Benedictine Abbey of Montecassino where the first corpus of Arabic medical texts was translated into Latin in the late eleventh century, and from where these translations were diffused throughout Western Europe.
  • Burnett, C., ‘Encounters with Encounters with Razi the Philosopher: Constantine the African, Petrus Alfonsi et Ramon Martí’, in Pensamiento hispano medieval: Homenaje a Horacio Santiago-Otero, ed. J.-M. Soto Rábanos, Madrid, 1998, pp. 973-92. Evidence of the influence and the reputation of Abu Bakr ar-Razi, as doctor and philosopher, in the Latin West.
  • Burnett, C., ‘European Knowledge of Arabic Texts Referring to Music: Some New Material’, Early Music Theory, 12, 1993, pp. 1-17. This includes a discussion of music therapy taken from Arabic medical writings.
  • Burnett, C., ‘Physics before the Physics: Early Translations from Arabic of Texts concerning Nature in MSS British Library, Additional 22719 and Cotton Galba E IV’, Medioevo, 27, 2002, pp. 53–109. Evidence that Constantine the African arrived in Southern Italy at a time when there was already a great interest in learning from the Arabs.
  • Burnett, C.,‘The Legend of Constantine the African’, in The Medieval Legends of Philosophers and Scholars, Micrologus 21, 2013, pp. 277-94. On the reputation of Constantine the African throughout the centuries.
  • Burnett, C. and D. Jacquart (eds), Constantine the African and ‘Ali ibn al-‘Abbas al-Maǧusi: the Pantegni and Related Texts, Leiden, 1994. A collection of articles on the various aspects of the transmission and impact of the earliest corpus of Arabic medical texts in Europe, of which the major one was the Royal Collection (Kunnāsh al-malakī) of ‘Ali ibn al-‘Abbas al-Maǧusi.
  • Champier, Symphorien, Practica nova Aggregatoris Lugdunensis domini Simphoriani Champerii de omnibus morborum generibus ex traditionibus Grecorum, Latinorum, Arabum, Penorum ac recentium auctorum Aurei Libri quinque, Lyons, 1522. An example of a Renaissance medical book which is replete with quotations from Arabic doctors.
  • Grant, E., A Source Book for Medieval Science, Cambidge, MA, 1974. A valuable resource for English translations of key texts in medieval science, including several from (ultimately) Arabic sources.
  • Hasse, D.N., Success and Suppression: Arabic Sciences and Philosophy in the Renaissance, Cambridge MA, 2016, pp. 42-45. This is the most up-to-date and fullest account of the impact of Arabic learning in the Renaissance and Early Modern period, both the positive aspects that contributed to developments of science, technology and thought in the West, and the negative reactions to Arabic influences.
  • Jacquart, D. and F. Micheau, La Médecine Arabe et l’Occident Médiéval, Paris, 1990. An authoritative account of the transmission of Arabic medicine to Western Europe in the Middle Ages, including a section on Qayrawan (pp. 107-18).
  • Lewicki, T., ‘Une langue romane oubliée de l’Afrique du Nord. Observations d’un arabisant’, Rocznik Orientalistyczny, 17 (1958), pp. 415–480. The fullest account of the evidence of Latin/Romance speaking in North Africa in the post-Classical period, especially in place names—evidence for Constantine of Africa’s possible Romance background.
  • Newton, F., ‘Arabic Medicine in Italy: Constantine the African,’ in Mediterranean Passages, from Dido to Derrida, eds Miriam Cooke, Erdağ Göknar, and Grant Parker, Chapel Hill NC, 2008, pp. 115-121. Just one of several works on Constantine the African and Montecassino by a leading expert in the field.

Blogs – https://constantinusafricanus.com


References

[1] Lyons, 1522, title page: ‘Practica nova Aggregatoris Lugdunensis domini Simphoriani Champerii de omnibus morborum generibus ex traditionibus Grecorum, Latinorum, Arabum, Penorum ac recentium auctorum Aurei Libri quinque’.
[2] D. N. Hasse, Success and Suppression: Arabic Sciences and Philosophy in the Renaissance, Cambridge MA, 2016, pp. 42-45.
[3] Peter the Deacon, De viris illustribus. The entry on Constantine the African is edited in H. Bloch, Montecassino in the Middle Ages, 3 vols, Rome, 1986, I, pp. 126-9. See also F. Newton, ‘Constantine the African and Monte Cassino: New Elements and the Text of the Isagoge’, in Constantine the African and ‘Ali ibn al-‘Abbas al-Maǧusi: the Pantegni and Related Texts, ed. C. Burnett and D. Jacquart, Leiden, 1994, pp. 16-47, id., ‘Arabic Medicine in Italy: Constantine the African,’ in Mediterranean Passages, from Dido to Derrida, eds Miriam Cooke, Erdağ Göknar, and Grant Parker, Chapel Hill NC, 2008, pp. 115-121, translation of the two sources and the useful blog https://constantinusafricanus.com.
[4] Virgil, Aeneid, 5.857-8. Virgil’s story was based on the real history of Queen Elissa, who founded Carthage in 814 B.C.
[5] Patrologia Latina 143, cols 729-31, see col. 729: ‘dignitatem Carthaginensis Ecclesiae … quia sine dubio post Romanum pontificem primus archiepiscopus et totius Africae maximus metropolitanus est Carthaginensis episcopus’. See Jonathan Conant, Staying Roman: Conquest and Identity in Africa and the Mediterranean, 439-700, Cambridge, 2012, p. 368 and T. Lewicki, ‘Une langue romane oubliée de l’Afrique du Nord. Observations d’un arabisant’, Rocznik Orientalistyczny, 17 (1958), pp. 415–480.
[6] The Arabic equivalent of Constantine—Qusṭa—was a common name for a Christian Arabic speaker.
[7] Lewicki, ‘Une langue romane oubliée’, p. 430.
[8] See D. Jacquart and F. Micheau, La Médecine Arabe et l’Occident Médiéval, Paris, 1990, pp.112-18, and Taro Mimura, ‘The Arabic original of (ps.) Māshā’allāh’s Liber de orbe: its date and authorship,’ The British Journal for the History of Science 48, 2015, pp. 321-52.
[9] C. Burnett, ‘Encounters with Encounters with Razi the Philosopher: Constantine the African, Petrus Alfonsi et Ramon Martí’, in Pensamiento hispano medieval: Homenaje a Horacio Santiago-Otero, ed. J.-M. Soto Rábanos, Madrid, 1998, pp. 973-92 (pp. 974-8).
[10] C. Burnett, ‘Physics before the Physics: Early Translations from Arabic of Texts concerning Nature in MSS British Library, Additional 22719 and Cotton Galba E IV’, Medioevo, 27, 2002, pp. 53–109.
[11] A translation of the whole text is included in E. Grant, A Source Book for Medieval Science, Cambridge, MA, 1974, pp. 705-15.
[12] Isagoge Iohannitii, ed. G. Maurach, Sudhoffs Archiv, 62, 1978, pp. 148-74 (with variants from passages transcribed in Newton, ‘Constantine the African’): ‘Medicina dividitur in duas partes, scil. in theoricam et practicam (speculativa et operativa), quarum theorica dividitur in tria, in contemplationem naturalium rerum et non naturalium et earum quae sunt contra naturam, ex quibus sanitatis, egritudinum et neutralitatis scientia procedit… Res vero naturales septem sunt, scilicet elementa, commixtiones, compositiones vel complexiones, membra, virtutes, actiones, spiritus, et alii addiderunt his alias .iiii. scilicet etates, colores, figuras, distantiam inter masculum et feminam’.
[13] Isḥaq ibn ‘Imran, Maqāla fī l-mālīhūliyā (Abhandlung über die Melancholie) und Constantini Africani libri duo De melancholia, ed. K. Garbers, Hamburg, 1977.
[14] Omnia opera Ysaac, f. 156r and edited in Bloch, Montecassino, I, p. 103.
[15] MS Oxford, Bodl., Rawl. C. 328, f. 3r:‘Hic est Constantinus monacus Montis Casinensis qui velud fons est illius scientie, qui in iudiciis urinarum notus extitit et in omnibus egritudinibus in libro isto et in multis aliis libris veram curam exibuit, ad quem mulieres cum urina veniunt ut notificet eis quis morbus sit in causa’.
[16] ‘De nimia oblivione et inminuta retentione cum nimia assiduitate legendi’: see G. Bos, ‘Ibn al-Ğazzār’s Risāla fi ’n-nisyāand Constantine’s Liber de oblivione’, in Constantine the African, pp. 203-32 (p. 226).
[17] M. Wack, ‘‘Alī ibn al-‘Abbās al-Maǧūsī and Constantine on Love, and the Evolution of the Practica Pantegni,’ in Constantine the African, pp. 161-202. ‘Heroic’ plays on the double meaning of ‘heroicus’: ‘belong to passionate love’ (erōs) and ‘heroic’.
[18] Viaticum, 1.20, quoted and discussed in C. Burnett, ‘European Knowledge of Arabic Texts Referring to Music: Some New Material’, Early Music Theory, 12, 1993, pp. 1-17 (see pp. 3-4).
[19] See F. Micheau, ‘‘Alī ibn al-‘Abbās al-Maǧūsī et son milieu’, in Constantine the African, pp. 1-15.
[20] Ṣa‘id al-Andalusi, Kitāb ṭabaqat al-umam ou Les catégories des nations, ed. L. Cheikho, Beirut, 1912, p. 62.
[21] Preface to Pantegni in MS Cambridge, Trinity College, R.14.34: ‘Domino suo montis cassinensis abbati .D. reverentissimo patrum patri, immo totius ordinis æcclesiastici gemmæ prænitenti CONSTANTINUS Affricanus, licet indignus suus tamen monachus …’ (the capital letters are in the manuscript).
[22] Omnia opera Ysaac, f. 4r: ‘Est ergo Constantinus Affricanus auctor, quia ex multorum libris coadunator’.
[23] E.g. MS Hildesheim, Dombibl. 748, f. 1r: ‘Incipit liber Pantegni a Constantino Affricano translatus. Nomen auctoris fuit Rasis’.
[24] C. Burnett, ‘The Legend of Constantine the African’, in The Medieval Legends of Philosophers and Scholars, Micrologus 21, 2013, pp. 277-94.
[24] For more examples, see G. Strohmaier, ‘Constantine’s Pseudo-Classical Terminology and its Survival’, in Constantine the African, pp. 90-98.
[26] For the Latin original see D. Jacquart in ‘Le sens donné par Constantin l’Africain à son oeuvre: les chapitres introductifs en arabe et en latin’, in Constantine the African, pp. 71-89 (see p. 84).
[27] ‘Liber Pantegni Ysaac israelite filii adoptivi Salomonis regis Arabie: quem Constantinus Aphricanus monachus montis cassinensis sibi vendicavit’. See Burnett, ‘The Legend of Constantine the African’, pp. 278-30.
[28] Practica nova, f. 4r, summarised in the margin as ‘Constantinus monachus falso sibi ascripsit Pantegni et Viaticum Ysaac’ (‘Constantine the monk falsely attributed to himself the Pantegni and Viaticum of Ysaac’).

A Compendium of Knowledge about Islamic Civilization: Its History, Contributions, and Influence « Muslim Heritage

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A Compendium of Knowledge about Islamic Civilization: Its History, Contributions, and Influence « Muslim Heritage



A Compendium of Knowledge about Islamic Civilization: Its History, Contributions, and Influence

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An extensive compendium of literature on Islamic civilization, the book published by Professor Shaikh M. Ghazanfar Islamic Civilization: History, Contributions, and Influence: A Compendium of Literature presents detailed and focused "literature briefs" on over 600 books and articles. Thus, it provides a springboard to extensive readings for any student or teacher of Islamic culture....
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Figure 1: Front cover of Islamic Civilization: History, Contributions, and Influence: A Compendium of Literatureby Shaikh M. Ghazanfar
Review of Islamic Civilization: History, Contributions, and Influence: A Compendium of Literature by Shaikh M. Ghazanfar. Hardcover, 656 pages, Size: 236×161 mm. Publisher: Lanham, Maryland: The Scarecrow Press (a division of Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group), 2006. ISBN-10: 0810852640 – ISBN-13: 978-0810852648.
The book, published in 2006 by Dr Shaikh M. Ghazanfar, is an extensive compendium of literature on Islamic civilization. It presents more than mere annotations – it covers hundreds of books and articles in detailed and focused “literature briefs” that provide a springboard to extensive readings for any student or teacher of Islamic culture.
The book covers almost 650 books and articles, with a page or so on each, so it is much more than mere annotations. Intended for other scholars and researchers, one gets a good idea of each reference’s contents –and then, if need be, can pursue the book or article further.
In recent years, there has been an explosion of interest about things Islamic. While much of the new literature is refreshingly positive, some seems to reflect a revival of the centuries-old, well-embedded misconceptions about the Islamic world. This book is partly a complement to that interest, with coverage relating to the literature that the author accumulated over the last 15-20 years in connection with other research endeavors pertaining to the early Islamic social thought [1].
Figure 2: Dr. Shaikh M. Ghazanfar (Source).
This readily accessible compendium of literature on Islamic civilization represents a window to some of the literature pertaining to Islamic history, contributions to knowledge, and the influence of that reservoir once it was assimilated in medieval Europe. It is unique in that it presents more than mere annotations; it is a compendium of “literature briefs”—detailed and focused descriptions—of each of the over 600 books and articles covered. Students, research scholars, and professionals will find this book to be full of useful sources and stimulus for further reading.
From the Preface of the Book
“In order to convey a general sense of the present undertaking, a quotation from one of the most eminent 20th-century European scholars of Islamic civilization seems appropriate: ‘‘For our cultural indebtedness to Islam, we Europeans have a ‘blind spot.’ We sometimes belittle the extent and importance of Islamic influence in our heritage, and sometimes overlook it altogether. For the sake of good relations with Arabs and Muslims, we must acknowledge our indebtedness to the full. To try to cover it over and deny it is a mark of false pride’ (Watt, 1972, p. 2) [2].
Figure 3: The late William Montgomery Watt (1909-2006), Emeritus Professor of Arabic and Islamic Studies at the University of Edinburgh and an eminent expert of Islamic civilisation. ©Edinburg University Library website. (Source).
“One can multiply such observations from numerous other scholars.
Islamic Civilization: History, Contributions, and Influence, however, is not a narrative of what this quotation suggests. The purpose here is more modest: to provide a readily accessible compendium of literature on Islamic civilization, with a particular focus. Specifically, the book represents a window to some of the literature pertaining to Islamic history, contributions to knowledge, and the influence of that reservoir once it was assimilated in medieval Europe. Over a period of several centuries, indeed, that knowledge ‘‘laid the foundations for a quite unprecedented revival of learning in Europe’ and stimulated ‘‘the Renaissance in the thirteenth century, the Protestant Reformation in the sixteenth century, and eventually the rise of modern science in the seventeenth century’ (Nebelsick, p. 9). The book is uniquely different in that it presents more than mere annotations; it is a compendium of ‘‘literature briefs,’ that is, it provides a more detailed and focused description of each of the more than 600 books and articles covered. Nonetheless, it must be hastily confessed that the coverage is by no means exhaustive, nor all-inclusive; that would be an impossible task for any such venture.
“In the post-9/11 environment, there has been almost an explosion of interest about things Islamic, as evident by a plethora of recent publications—what some have called the emergence of an ‘‘Islamic industry.’ While some of the new literature is refreshingly positive, some seems to reflect a revival of the centuries-old, well-embedded misconceptions about the Islamic world. This book is a complement to that interest, and we hope it serves a positive purpose. The coverage relates primarily to the literature that the author accumulated over the last 15–20 years in connection with other research endeavors pertaining to the early Islamic social thought. Thus, most references tend to have a social-science/humanities orientation.
“The book is intended to serve as an exploratory research tool and a reference document for a variety of potential users: students at all levels (public and private schools, colleges and universities, graduate and undergraduate); research scholars and other professionals who may find some initial, ‘‘start-up,’ information here and then may wish to explore further; those seeking an addition to resources available in various academic programs and departments (especially those with interdisciplinary/area studies emphasis) as well as university/college and local libraries; and the interested educated, curious readers, especially those who are globally minded, with historical, cross-cultural propensities. Readers may find the briefs as useful sources and stimulus for further reading. Indeed, given the wealth of material covered and the somewhat ‘‘encyclopedic’ nature of the contents, the book can be a handy reference tool for general information about the Islamic civilization in any environment where open-minded curiosity flourishes.
“For all such users, however, the briefs will serve chiefly as an important beginning, not an exhaustive resource. As indicated, these briefs are more than mere annotations. The detail and focus provided for each reference usually cover about a page for books and a few paragraphs for articles, depending upon the content and comprehensiveness of the particular reference. In all cases, despite the possibility that some readers may dispute some of the contents, the briefs attempt to highlight the main purpose of this volume, that is, a glimpse into Islamic civilization and its history, contributions, and influence. Moreover, for books particularly, titles of parts, sections, and/or chapters have typically been provided; this should assist readers who may wish to explore some specific sections or articles in the book. For larger references, however, selected chapter listings are generally provided. For each book briefed, other details are also noted; for example, whether bibliographies and indexes are available. Obviously, bibliographies and references provided in books and articles are sources of additional research possibilities.
“It is also to be noted that in many cases, while the title of a referenced book or article may not signify much relevance to the objective of this compendium, closer scrutiny would reveal considerable coverage of Islamic civilization’s history, contributions, and/or influence. Where a book or article title does not sufficiently reflect this objective, the briefs provide appropriate quotations that may help to convey that sense, and those quotations may prompt further curiosity and exploration. Parenthetically, it may be noted that some word spellings in the quotations have been retained from the original source.
“Given the nature of this venture, organization of these briefs provided a special challenge. After considering various options, it was decided to divide the presentations separately in two parts: Books and Articles. All references and briefs for each part are then grouped into three main classifications: (A) Sciences/Humanities; (B) Islam–West Linkages; (C) General. Both for book-briefs and articlebriefs, most references are in the first classification, that is, Sciences/Humanitiesoriented. And both for books and articles, classifications (A) and (C) are further divided into broad subject groups. For classification (A), there are two main groups: (i) Social Sciences/Humanities, further divided into seven subgroups: (a) History, (b) Economics/Commerce, (c) Philosophy, (d) Education/Learning, (e) Geography, (f) Humanities, and (g) Social Sciences, General; and (ii) Sciences. Classification (B), Islam–West Linkages stands alone, but classification (C) is divided into three groups: (i) Spain/Al-Andalus, (ii) Crusades, (iii) Miscellaneous.
“The guiding principle for these classifications and subdivisions is to enable ease of accessibility to readers. There is some arbitrariness, however, as to where a particular reference has been placed. There are references that could easily fit in one or another classification or its subdivision. For example, the book entitled Europe and Islam, by Hichem Djait, is placed in classification (B), Islam–West Linkages, but, given its considerable historical content, it could as well belong in classification (A), under (a) History. Similarly, Medieval Technology and Cultural Change, by Lynn White, is included in classification (A), under (g) Social Sciences, but could as well be placed under the (ii) Sciences subgroup of that classification. And Europe: A History, by Norman Davies, is included in classification (A), under (a) History, but given its considerable emphasis on linkages it could as well belong in classification (B), Islam–West Linkages. The same goes for the articles. What this means is that any consultant of this compendium looking for a reference in a particular classification or its subdivision may also want to explore elsewhere in the book for additional leads.
“While the book provides a fairly large coverage of literature on Islamic civilization, there are several other similar sources; some are simply listing of references, others provide some annotations. Several of these are enumerated below:
  • “1. F. Adamson and R. Taylor (editors), The Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK, 2005.
  • 2. Therese-Anne Druart, Brief Bibliographical Guide in Medieval Philosophy and Theology, 1998–2002, Catholic University of America, Washington, DC, 2003.
  • 3. Hans Daiber, A Bibliography of Islamic Philosophy, 2 volumes, E.J. Brill, Leiden, Netherlands, 1999.
  • 4. David Ede, Guide to Islam, G.K. Hall and Company, Boston, MA, 1983.
  • 5. Seyyed Hossein Nasr (with the collaboration of William C. Chittick), An Annotated Bibliography of Islamic Science, 3 volumes (6,173 references, covering about 1,200 pages), Cultural Studies and Research Institute, Tehran, Iran, 1975–1991.
  • 6. J.D. Pearson (with assistance of Julia F. Ashton), Index Islamicus, 1906–1955: A Catalogue of Articles on Islamic Subjects in Periodicals and Other Collective Publications, W. Heffer and Sons Limited, Cambridge, UK, 1958.
  • 7. Michelle Raccagni, The Modern Arab Woman: A Bibliography, Scarecrow Press, Metuchen, NJ, and London, 1978.
  • 8. Jean Sauvaget (as recast by Claude Cahen), Introduction to the History of the Muslim East: A Bibliographical Guide, University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1965.
  • 9. Helaine Selin, Science Across Cultures: An Annotated Bibliography of Books on Non-Western Science, Technology, and Medicine, Garland Publishing, Inc., New York and London, 1992 (there is a large section on Islamic Science and the Middle East).
“In addition, a current Internet website http://www.muslimphilosophy.com/ip/is-biblio.htm includes, among other things, a rather comprehensive bibliography (126 pages, over 1,700 book titles) on Islamic Studies, classified in 12 categories: (1) General, (2) Muhammad, (3) The Qur’an, (4) Shi’i Islam, (5) Sufism, (6) Theology and Philosophy, (7) Jurisprudence, (8) The Arts, (9) History, (10) Geographic-Regions and Nation-States, (11) Culture, Economics, and Politics, (12) Miscellany. It was assembled in 2004 by Patrick S. O’Donnell, Department of Philosophy, Santa Barbara City College, Santa Barbara, California.”
The Author
Dr. S.M. Ghazanfar is Professor-Emeritus (2002) of Economics, University of Idaho, Moscow, Idaho, USA. He was the former chairman of the Department of Economics (1979-81 ; 1993-2001), former director of International Studies Program (1989-93), and served as adjunct professor (2003-2008), University of Idaho, Moscow. For more details on Dr. S.M. Ghazanfar’s works and career, visit his website.
Table of Contents
Preface
PART I: BOOKS
SCIENCES/HUMANITIES
ISLAM-WEST LINKAGES
GENERAL
PART II: ARTICLES
(A) SCIENCES/HUMANITIES
(B) ISLAM-WEST LINKAGES
(C) GENERAL
Bibliography
Books
Articles
Topical Bibliography
Books
Articles
Author, Editor, Translator Index
Title Index
About the Author

End Notes
[1] See for instance: Medieval Islamic Economic Thought: Filling the Great Gap in European Economics, edited by S. M. Ghazanfar . New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003. This volume includes fifteen (twelve by the editor) papers published over the years in various national and international journals.
[2] The Influence of Islam on Medieval Europe (Islamic surveys) by W. Montgomery Watt (Edinburgh University Press, 1972); reprinted 1983, 1994.

Embedding Scientific Ideas as a Mode of Science Transmission « Muslim Heritage

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Embedding Scientific Ideas as a Mode of Science Transmission « Muslim Heritage



Embedding Scientific Ideas as a Mode of Science Transmission

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I used the discipline of astronomy as a template to record the transmitted ideas and hoped that other people, who work on other disciplines, would do the same, all in an effort to paint a fuller picture of the situation that prevailed around the Mediterranean during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries... - George Saliba...
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Note of Editor: This article was originally published as “Embedding Scientific Ideas as a Mode of Science Transmission” (© University of Barcelona). [1] We thank the publisher and the author for permitting the republication of the article at our web portal.
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Introduction

At a different occasion I had attempted to survey the results that have already been reached regarding the transmission of scientific ideas from the world of Islam to the scientists of the European Renaissance.’ In that survey, I included some of those details which have been well known in the literature since the late fifties of the last century, while I added others that were either less known, or have been more recently explored and documented. I used the discipline of astronomy as a template to record the transmitted ideas and hoped that other people, who work on other disciplines, would do the same, all in an effort to paint a fuller picture of the situation that prevailed around the Mediterranean during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

Problems of Detecting Contacts

In the field of astronomy, which happens to be the most fecund of all the scientific fields, tracing the transmission of astronomical ideas from the Islamic world to Europe proves to be rather challenging for two main reasons: When texts were plainly and admittedly translated from Arabic into Latin, and that happened mainly during the Middle Ages, sometime between the tenth and the fourteenth centuries, the problem that was hardest to answer was: why some texts were translated while others were not? Why were the works of Muhammad b. Musa al-Khwarizmi (d. c. 850) translated, his Indian arithmetic, his algebra, as well as his astronomical tables, while the astronomical tables and other mathematical works of his contemporary, and in many ways just as brilliant, Habash al-Hasib (d. c. 870) were not?
In the case of the Renaissance the situation becomes much more complex. For by that time, that is, after the fifteenth and during the sixteenth centuries, we rarely find Arabic books that were explicitly translated into Latin, as was the case in medieval times. Of course we are not talking about the conscious efforts by people like Andreas Alpagos who undertook the challenge to re-translate the works of Avicenna in particular, for those were simply revisions of translations already completed before. Nor are we talking about the very few attempts that were made during the seventeenth century to translate one book here or one treatise there as was the case during the earliest stages of what later became the tradition of Orientalism. Those attempts are a category by themselves for they were mainly executed with an archaeological purpose in mind and were mostly motivated by the curiosity that became notorious during the later colonial period, and prepared the ground for the fictitious Orient that was finally created in the European mind, an Orient that became the hallmark of Orientalism.[2] The complex issues that began to appear in the Renaissance, and were rarely recognized before, had to do with a completely different kind of transmission of scientific ideas. The phenomenon I wish to single out, and which I would call embedding rather than transmission, is that of a transmission process through which Renaissance scientists, and sometimes also humanists, read texts in the original Arabic, grasped the ideas contained in those texts, and then incorporated those ideas in their own works. Of course, their resulting works were produced in Latin.
During this process, detecting lines of transmission, especially in the case of humanistic texts, becomes much more difficult, and at times even contentious. Issues of whether Dante read the Mi`raj stories of prophet Muhammad before he wrote his Divine Comedy or not, give only one sample of such difficulties. And if true, such a process of embedding could be barely detected in the works of Dante, notwithstanding the disputes that surround it and still stir up much debate. This very process of embedding may in fact be a forerunner of what seems to have happened at a much larger scale during the Renaissance.
Those who work with scientific texts are slightly more fortunate than their fellow humanists simply because it is slightly easier to prove the process of embedding in scientific texts than it is in humanistic ones. It is the very nature of those scientific texts that allowed someone like Neugebauer, Kennedy and generations of the latter’s students after him to pronounce immediately that what they saw in the lunar model of Copernicus (d. 1543) was in fact a case of embedding the lunar model of Ibn al-Shatir (d. 1375). And yet, we can still hear people arguing for the case of independent discovery, and that one should not yet talk of embedding or transmission of the ideas of Ibn al-Shatir by or to Copernicus without demonstrating the exact route by which Ibn al-Shatir’s ideas reached Copernicus. Independent discovery is in fact a plausible argument, and we have many examples of such occurrences in the history of science. But the case of Ibn al-Shatir’s lunar model, the story of coincidence is slightly more complex. To start with, it is a geocentric model unlike the other Copernican models, not only because it fits better with an Aristotelian cosmology, but because the moon is in fact an earthly satellite. Second, Ibn al-Shatir’s model was designed to solve in one stroke two major problems in the Ptolemaic lunar model: (a) it solved the equant-like behaviour of the Ptolemaic model, and (b) it resolved the distortion that the Ptolemaic model introduced to the apparent size of the lunar disk at quadrature. Third, Ibn al-Shatir’s model was also designed to dispense with the concept of prosneusis that had bedeviled the Ptolemaic model and had caused much controversy in Islamic astronomy. When all those factors are taken into consideration it becomes clear that all those purposes that motivated Ibn al-Shatir’s model, and the multiple layers of technical intricacies it resolved, make it highly unlikely that two people would coincidentally come upon it unless they were both seeking to resolve all those problems of the Ptolemaic model and from within the same Aristotelian cosmology. To think that the same complexities and the same motivations could be attributed to Copernicus in order to explain his adoption of Ibn al-Shatir’s lunar model complicates the story of independent discovery, not to say that it makes it incredible. Let us at least say that one’s imagination has to be stretched a little in order to believe that such coincidences could occur.
The fact that we still do not know the exact route by which Copernicus knew of Ibn al-Shatir’s lunar model, before he decided to adopt it, and yet we can make such claims of indebtedness on the part of Copernicus, is only a feature of the nature of scientific texts that allow such conjectures.
As we just said, the scientific intricacies of Ibn al-Shatir’s model and its complexity and multiple purposes, as well as its demonstrable equality with that of Copernicus, angle for angle, sphere for sphere, and the historical fact that Ibn al-Shatir died exactly a hundred and sixty-eight years before Copernicus, make the story of independent discovery much less likely. And yet it is not impossible to imagine.
Had the story stopped with the lunar model, this particular case of embedding would have remained a tantalizing conjecture, and we would have all continued to wait for the day when we could indeed account for what is sometimes called “the smoking gun” that would demonstrate the route through which Copernicus came to know of Ibn al-Shatir’s work.
The plot thickened, however, when it was found out that Copernicus also used a mathematical theorem, now commonly known as the Tusi Couple, which was discovered by another astronomer, Nasir al-Din al-Tusi (d. 1274), who lived even another hundred years earlier than Ibn al-Shatir. As it turned out, Copernicus did not only use this theorem, but offered to prove it. It was in the proof that he reproduced the same geometric points that were used by Tusi before. One could still stretch his imagination and say that it was a series of coincidences. But then there was a “smoking gun” in this case. There was one geometric point that indicated the center of the smaller sphere in the Iasi Couple where Dig had designated it with the Arabic letter “zain”. All other points were the same, that is the Arabic letters used by Tusi were duplicated, point for point, with their Latin phonetic equivalents by Copernicus. For this particular point, Copernicus used the Latin letter “F”, instead of the expected “Z”. This single variation could only mean that he, or someone helping him, obviously misread the Arabic “zain” for an Arabic “fa”‘. In fact the two letters are very similar in the Arabic script, and, depending on the manuscript that he or his assistant were working from, it would be very easy to mistake a “fa”‘ for a “zain”. Thus the likelihood that Copernicus would have his own random selection of alphabetic designators to mark the same points that were marked by Tusi with the same phonetic equivalences is very slim indeed, and in light of that one has to begin to loose faith in the theory of independent discovery.
But when it was further found that Copernicus also used the same model for the upper planets that was used by Tusi’s colleague and friend Mu’ayyad al-Din al-Urdi (d. 1266), of course after making the easy mathematical shift from geocentrism to heliocentrism, and this time neglecting to prove the lemma that was devised by ‘Urdi and proven by him for the purpose, the problem of independent discovery became even harder to maintain. This lapse in Copernicus’s construction of ‘his own’ mathematical model for the upper planets prompted Kepler to write to his teacher Maestlin and inquire about this particular proof of this rather simple theorem, now dubbed as the ‘INT lemma, and Maestlin duly complied with his request.[3] One can see how complex scientific texts could allow us to reach such conclusions regarding the embedding of scientific ideas even if we had no clue regarding the route through which Copernicus must have known about these earlier results.
The coup de grace came when Copernicus reached the construction of his model for the planet Mercury. There too, Ibn al-Shatir had constructed a model of his own that avoided the equant problem of Ptolemy’s model, but preserved the essential features of the Ptolemaic observational results, namely, that the planet Mercury should have one apogee in the constellation of Libra and two perigees at ± 120° on either side of it. The very problem of two perigees came about from the Ptolemaic observational problem where it was thought that Mercury had its maximum elongations from the sun at those two points, i.e. it appeared to the observer, on the earth, to have the largest epicycle at those points. In order to achieve all these cosmological purposes and remain faithful to the Ptolemaic observational results, Ibn al-Shatir had to use the Tug Couple within the construction of the model in order to allow Mercury’s epicycle to expand and contract, so that it would look small at apogee, and large enough at the two perigees. This was relatively simple for Ibn al-Shatir since the Tusi Couple was specifically designed to take care of such cases of expansion and contraction while remaining within the conceptual domain of Aristotelian cosmology. Put simply, the Tusi Couple was developed specifically to obtain linear motion, the expansion and contraction in this case, as a result of the Aristotelian required uniform circular motion.
Now, in his own construction of the Mercury model, Copernicus adopts the same technique as Ibn al-Shatir, that is, he used the same Tusi Couple for the same expansion and contraction purposes that were used by Ibn al-Shatir. And he also accounted for the equant in exactly the same way it was accounted for by Ibn al-Shatir. But here again there was another “smoking gun”. In adopting Ibn al-Shatir’s very complicated model Copernicus got confused between the absolute size of Mercury’s epicycle and the size it would appear to an observer on earth, and made the absurd statement that the model would yield a maximum elongation at a distance of 90° from the apogee. He apparently forgot that size depended on two variables: the absolute size of the object, and the distance of the object from the observer. For although Mercury’s epicycle does in fact reach its maximum expansion at 90° away from the apogee, for an observer at the earth it would still not look as big as the contracted epicycle which would be brought closer by the motion of the model to the observer at 120° on either side of the apogee. When Swerdlow noted this discrepancy in Copernicus’s construction of the Mercury model, as he translated Copernicus’s earliest astronomical treatise, the Commentariolus, he had this to say about it:
There is something very curious about Copernicus’s description. […] Copernicus apparently does not realize that the model was designed, not to give Mercury a larger orbit (read epicycle) when the Earth (read center of the epicycle) is 90° from the apsidal line, but to produce the greatest elongations when the Earth (read center of the epicycle) is ± 120° from the aphelion (apogee).”[4]
He then went on to say:
This misunderstanding must mean that Copernicus did not know the relation of the model to Mercury’s apparent motion. Thus it could hardly be his own invention for, if it were, he would certainly have described its fundamental purpose rather than write the absurd statement that Mercury “appears” to move in a larger orbit when the Earth is 90° from the apsidal line. The only alternative, therefore, is that he copied it without fully understanding what it was really about. Since it is Ibn ash-Shatir’s model, this is further evidence, and perhaps the best evidence, that Copernicus was in fact copying without full understanding from some other source, and this source would be an as yet unknown transmission to the west of Ibn ash-Shatir’s planetary theory.” [italics mine][5]
The series of “coincidences” mentioned before, as well as the misreading and “misunderstanding” just mentioned, makes it clear that Copernicus was not working independently of the Arabic texts that had been written in the previous two centuries or so. The fact that we can assert such claims demonstrates the power of scientific texts which allow us to determine indebtedness, incorporation, embedding, direct and indirect transmission, etc., without necessarily knowing the manner in which those contacts took place. Similar cases in humanistic texts would be much harder to establish.
Other instances of such embeddings are a little easier to establish in the opposite direction, that is, when we know the Arabic texts that were read by Renaissance scientists, but we still do not know exactly how they were used by those scientists in their Latin habitat. I have had occasion to study Arabic manuscripts that were read by one of Copernicus’s younger contemporaries, Gillaume Postel (1510-1581). One of those manuscripts is preserved at the Vatican Library, while the other at the Bibliotheque Nationale de France. Both manuscripts have Postel’s handwritten annotations on their margins. I used those manuscripts for an article, which I published on the internet, in order to raise the question: whose science was Arabic science in Renaissance Europe?[6] In that article I demonstrated how someone like Postel would read Arabic astronomical manuscripts one day, annotate them, and in some instances even correct them, and the next day he would deliver his lectures at the Institut Royal, now College de France, obviously in Latin. Just think of the complexity of ideas being originally in Arabic, themselves written to challenge Greek astronomy, and after being digested by Postel were embedded in his lectures which were obviously delivered in Latin.
I used that example to question the applicability of such concepts as Arabic science, Latin science, Greek science and the like when we know, as in the example of Postel, how ideas were actually constructed through many layerings of those languages, religions, and cultures to which those sciences are usually ascribed. In it I called for a new historiography of science that accounts for such instances of embeddings as Postel’s and Copernicus’s.

One More Incorporation: The Case of Ighnatius Ni`matallah (d. c. 1590) and the Gregorian Reform of the Calendar

Now that we have shed a badly needed light on the poorly studied phenomenon of embedding as a mode of transmission that was apparently quite common during the Renaissance, a phenomenon that did not involve specific texts being translated as was done during the Middle Ages, we can then approach the Renaissance with a much more open mind. Once we do that, we are likely to find many more contacts than the ones we have already mentioned. In what follows, I will focus on one particular instance where transmission was not specifically sought out by Renaissance orientalists, as was done by Postel and others, but by a fortuitous offer by an occidentalist, if you wish, who simply managed to have his ideas incorporated by Renaissance scientists, also without producing fully translated texts from the original Arabic.
The occidentalist in question was a colorful character by the name of Ighnatius (Ignatius) Ni’matallah (Ni`meh), known variously as Ni`meh in the Eastern sources or Nehemias in the Latin ones. He was a patriarch of the Syriac Jacobite church and was raised to the see of the Antiochian patriarchate in the year 1557.[7]  While still in Diyar Bakr (modern Diyarbakir in South East Turkey), this patriarch seems to have earned the confidence of the local Ottoman governor of the district. The Ottoman rule itself was at that time still on the ascension. It had been barely one hundred years since the successful conquest of Constantinople, the capital of the Byzantine Empire. And with its fall the Ottoman conquest ushered in the defeat of the last vestiges of Byzantine presence in Asia Minor. One could safely say that at the time Christian Ottoman relations were not at their best. In addition, and even without the ascension of the Ottomans, the Christians in that area were living in a political turmoil that had been worsening visa vis their Muslim neighbors since the incursions of the crusaders between the 11th and 13th centuries, and reached an abyss amongst the Christians themselves when the fourth crusade 1204-1205 was redirected and finally launched against the capital city of Byzantium.
Thus by the middle of the sixteenth century, religious sensitivities and interfaith suspicions and intrigues had been ripening for centuries. It was not surprising, therefore, that the local Muslims were suspicious of a Christian patriarch like Ni’matallah gaining favor at the local governor’s court, ostensibly as the governor’s private physician on account of his expertise in Islamic medicine. Ni’matallah’s expertise was not totally off the mark. Other independent facts corroborate this expertise, and in a future study, devoted to this man, I will demonstrate that the first printing of Avicenna’s Arabic text of the Canon by the Medici’s Oriental Press, in 1593 in Florence, used one of the manuscripts which were brought along to Italy by this same Patriarch. His relatively advanced medical scholarship, however, could not protect him from jealousies and intrigues at the Diyar Bakr court. Thus in a gesture of reconciliation, and probably intending to protect his private physician, the local governor took off his own turban one evening and placed it on the head of the patriarch, while declaring that his own physician had by this gesture just converted to Islam. Conversion has a tremendous power, and many a sinful person was saved by the very act.
Historical reports tell us that the governor’s gesture went well with his Muslim audience. But they also tell us that the very act of a patriarch converting to a different religion, whether Islam or otherwise, infuriated his own Christian parishioners, who now clamored for his head. Sensing a danger for his life, the hapless patriarch managed to appoint his nephew to his patriarchal see (apparently still had some clout among his Christian followers for such an act of nepotism), and to escape with his life in the year 1576 AD. In addition, he apparently managed to haul along a relatively large collection of Arabic manuscripts. Concrete evidence of his escape still survives in a note appended to a manuscript, which is now kept, together with the rest of the patriarch’s manuscripts, at the Laurentiana Library in Florence, Italy. The note says that he, “the lost soul, by the name of Patriarch Ni`meh, finished resolving the problems in this manuscript while he was being tossed by the sea waves on his way to Venice, in the year 1888 of the Greeks (= 1577 AD).”[8]
Further background should at least partially explain the reasons why the Patriarch ventured on this dangerous trip in the first place, and should give us a clue as to what he expected to achieve with it. The decision taken by the Eastern Orthodox churches to split off from the Church of Rome in 1054 AD was unwelcome by the Vatican, and thus no effort was spared to re-integrate those churches back under the papal flag. The Syriac Antiochian church was one of those Eastern churches whose re-unification with the Church of Rome was at least promised by the Patriarch. That promise itself may have facilitated his reception at the papal see, when he finally arrived at Rome.
Thus far his motivation for taking the trip may be understandable. But what remains to be problematic is the reason why he decided to bring along a large number of Arabic manuscripts, mostly scientific ones, and what was he planning to do with those books. As we shall soon see, this problem remains unresolved unless we change our vision of the intellectual life during the Renaissance, and begin to appreciate the extent to which Islamic culture, and Islamic science in particular, had been sought after during that time. So what was the Patriarch hoping to do with those books?
In hindsight, we now know that there was a good market for them in northern Italy, along the corridor that stretched from Venice in the North East down to Florence and eventually to Rome. The sources report that sometime during the Patriarch’s trip from Venice to Rome, in the company of the converted Turk Paolo Orsini as his interpreter, the Patriarch made the acquaintance of the cardinal, and future Duke of Tuscany, Ferdinand de Medici, who was apparently considering the establishment of a press, later known as the Medici Oriental Press.[9] The Patriarch’s books were definitely useful for the enterprise. We are told that Ferdinand struck a deal with the Patriarch in which the Patriarch would receive a monthly stipend of 25 scudes, and a life-long free access to his books, if he consented to deliver those books to a governing board of the press that was then headed by Raimondi, and who later became the owner of the same press.
All of these facts could not simply be happy circumstances. What is the likelihood of the convergence of such characters as a patriarch, traveling to Venice with a considerable load of Arabic books; a business/cleric/and future Duke from the banking family of the Medicis, interested in setting up an oriental press towards the end of the sixteenth century; and a Pope, interested in re-uniting the Eastern churches under the papal flag? The only explanation that could connect all those facts together is to assume that there was a lively intellectual and business environment in sixteenth century Italy that valued the sciences of, and possible business with, the Islamic world. A word of this interest must have already reached the Islamic lands so that the Patriarch could smell a commercial prospect for his books. The re-unification of the churches must have only been an excuse to facilitate the trip, for we know that nothing of the sort happened, and that a very small group of Eastern Christians had a long and checkered history with the Papacy who, at various stages of their history, all the way from the great schism of the eleventh century till the nineteenth century, split off and re-united themselves with the papal authority several times over.
At the Patriarch’s arrival in Rome the reigning Pope, Gregory XIII (1572-1585), had other reasons to rejoice at meeting him. Not only did the Pope want to test the grounds for a campaign against the Turks,[10] but he also wanted to revive the Catholic church from the debilitating attacks it had received at the hands of the protestants. A patriarch from the Turkish lands of Islam, ostensibly wishing to re-unite his flock with the Pope’s, would be very useful to the Pope, and a learned one to boot, who could be employed in the papal committee that was to achieve the single most famous act of this pope, namely, the Gregorian Reform of the Julian calendar, which eventually reestablished the Catholic church’s authority, at least symbolically, in protestant lands.[11] Eastern orthodox churches, in countries where the Gregorian calendar is accepted by political authorities for civic purposes, still refuse to follow the ecclesiastical injunctions of this calendar, differing with it most notably over the Easter cycle. One should not underestimate the symbolism of this rejection as a means to safeguard the independence of the Eastern churches from that of Rome.
For the moment, I wish to leave aside the incorporation of the Patriarch’s ideas into the production of the books at the Medici Oriental Press, for I would like to treat that issue at much greater length at a different occasion. But for now, let it be said that the first batch of printed Arabic books that this press issued from Florence, which were supposed to benefit the missionaries who were to proselytize in Arabic-speaking Islamic lands, included some four important scientific books, including Avicenna’s Canon and a hybrid text of the revised Elements of Euclid. The manuscript copies for both of these books came from the Patriarch’s library.[12] I note in passing that I find it hard to believe that anyone would deliberately use Euclid’s Elements in order to proselytize among Muslims who had been using this book for almost a full millennium at the time. My contention is that the press had a European market in mind, and used the missionary work to avoid being censored by the Inquisition for producing Arabic books in the very heart of Christendom.
Now that I lay the matter of the Patriarch’s role in the Medici Oriental Press aside, I wish to devote the rest of this paper to the Patriarch’s role in the Gregorian calendar reform itself. Not much is known about the details of the deliberations that led to the reform of the Julian calendar in 1582, under Gregory XIII. We do not know who proposed what, at what time, and for what reasons. We also do not know the particular expertise the Patriarch brought to the committee, other than his being well versed in the secular sciences of the Islamic world. But few tidbits have already come to light, and through them we can still trace the general theme of the embedding of the Islamic legacy into the intellectual environment of Renaissance Europe.
We are particularly fortunate that the Vatican had the wisdom to convene a conference at the 400th anniversary of the Gregorian reform, and that the proceedings of the conference are now in print for all to consult.[13] And although none of the conferees devoted a paper to the role of the patriarch in the making of the Gregorian reform, several of them have hinted to that role. I will only single out those who have made remarks that help us understand the phenomenon of embedding of scientific ideas or remarks that warrant further research. I only have the chance to highlight those remarks here and not to go into them in any great detail.
In the article, “Christoph Clavius and the Scientific Scene in Rome,” Ugo Baldini had occasion to refer to the report, Ratio Corrigendi[14] that was submitted by the calendar committee, on the 14th of September in the year 1580, to Pope Gregory XIII, regarding their proposed reform of the calendar. The important part of the report is that it included the names of the members of that committee.
Among the nine signatures we find the names of three prominent prelates. The first is Cadinal Guglielmo Sirleto who was the prefect of the congregation and co-ordinator of its works. Next comes Bishop Vincenzo Lauri of Mondovi who was perhaps the co-ordinator of the group before Sirleto. In the third place we find the name of the Patriarch Ignatius of Antioch. It is certain that the three of them were well acquainted with astronomy and we have direct evidence of this in the case of the Patriarch.” [15]
Notice that the name of the famous Christoph Clavius is not among the top three signatures of the report. By the direct evidence of the Patriarch’s knowledge of astronomy, Baldini means the existence of a correspondence between the Patriarch and Clavius in which, according to the Laurentiana manuscript OR. 301 where the original Arabic of this correspondence is kept, he says that
Patriarch Ignatius maintained that the idea of a variable tropical year was due to observational and instrumental errors, also adding that a whole series of near-eastern observations (708 A.D. to 1472) showed the length of the year to be constant. He alludes to these observations by listing, sometimes the authors, sometimes the places where they had been made.” [16]
Baldini goes on to say that “this series of observations does not seem to have been sufficiently researched in studies on Islamic astronomy.”[17]
What Baldini’s testimony really means is that the Patriarch was considered among the top three knowledgeable persons on the committee, that the committee was composed of a chosen few (nine members), and that the Patriarch contribution to this committee was that he was well grounded in Islamic astronomy and that he brought along with him from Diyar Bala very important information the committee needed to know. One can imagine what kind of information that could be when we know that any ecclesiastical calendar had to consider, at a minimum, the best values if could have for the lengths of the solar year and the lunar month, and the manner in which those values were determined. So the Patriarch’s list of observations which led to a fixed solar year was crucial for the calendar’s deliberation.
Furthermore, the concept of the solar year itself involves decisions whether this year was a sidereal or a tropical year, and the relationship between the two was governed by a third concept, namely, that of precession. What was well known by then was that the Ptolemaic value for precession was considerably off the mark, and that this very value was indeed corrected by the observations that were performed during Islamic times in more than one Islamic capital. So what did the calendar committee do with such parameters? Baldini goes on to say that the committee “almost completely abandoned … the Ptolemaic linear theory, according to which there was a constant rate of precession of 1° per century. It had proved unable to account for the observations made by Muslim astronomers in 9th century Baghdad…”[18] Of course, the variation in the value of precession had necessitated debates over a third concept, namely that of trepidation. And the models proposed for this trepidation had a long history that stretched all the way from ninth century Baghdad till the time of Copernicus and the time of the committee itself.
Here again the Patriarch had a crucial intervention brought to the committee’s attention, and later on to the Pope himself as we are told by Baldini when the subject of those trepidation models was discussed. In Baldini’s words:
Each one of these models led to a different theory of the tropical year. The linear precession of Ptolemy gave a constant value of the length of the year which was known to be wrong. This had become clear already to Muslim astronomers working from the 9th century onwards in Baghdad and elsewhere, as the Patriarch Ignatius explained to the Pope in a letter (1579) and in a later report on the Compendium (12 March 1580) in which he maintained that the year had a constant, although non-Ptolemaic value.”[19]
The Patriarch was therefore already involved in the minute technical details of the committee’s deliberations, and his position was apparently clearly expressed in letters as the one whose copy is still preserved at the Laurentiana, according to Baldini. More importantly, he was apparently instrumental in convincing the committee to abandon the obsolete values of Ptolemy and adopt instead the latest, up to date values that were determined in Islamic times. This in itself is the best illustration I can think of to elucidate the concept of embedding ideas as a means of science transmission.
Other participants in the commemorative conference also noted the interjections of Patriarch Ignatius Na’matallah in the committee’s deliberations and appreciated the full scope of his role in the calendar reform.
In his own article on the Papal Bull of 1582 that aimed to promulgate the reformed calendar, August Ziggelaar had occasion to address the persons who gave this Bull the authority it had and the calendar the shape it finally took. Of course, the lion’s share in promulgating the Bull had much to do with the very dynamic personality of Pope Gregory XIII himself, and with his power of persuasion. But the Calendar’s authority rested with the nine men who went through the minute technical deliberations. But more importantly, Ziggelaar reveals that not all the members were in one voice supporting the results that were reached and circulated by the Pope in his letter to all catholic princes.[20] Notable among the dissenting voice was that of Patriarch Ni’matallah and for very technical reasons. They are the same reasons contained in the Laurentiana manuscript, which has been repeatedly mentioned so far.
Because of the importance of that dissent, Ziggelaar devoted a whole section to describing it in his article, under the title “The Criticism by Patriarch Ingatius.”[21] In it he lists the substantial points that were raised by the Patriarch. For apparently the Patriarch, like Clavius, had studied the very details of the new calendar and on his own had come to the following conclusions:
(1) The anticipation of the equinoxes cannot be as much as one day in 134 years because at the time of the Council of Nicea it was on 21 or 20 March and it had not yet gone back to 10 March; (2) from many observations in the East one concludes that the sun anticipates one day in 132 years; (3) the idea of leaving out ten leap days during 40 years should be rejected; (4) adjustments at the turn of the centuries is too irregular; (5) the moon gains one day, not in 304, but in 276 years; (6) the 14th of the lunation, according to the calculation of the Compendium by mean motions, differs sometimes two to four days from the true motion so that we could sometimes celebrate Easter with and sometimes before the Jews; (7) for the same reason Easter may sometimes be celebrated a month late. Finally, the Patriarch promised to present within a very few days the result of the research in his books, according to the commission of his Holiness.”[22]
Ziggelaar tells us that the Patriarch kept his word, and his critique of the calendar is apparently still preserved, in Karshuni, in the Laurentiana manuscript, which has been referred to several times already. The present author had not yet seen this manuscript and thus has to depend on the reports about it summarized in Zigglaar’s and other articles in the proceedings of the Gregorian Reform conference. Apparently the critique of the Patriarch did not stop with the seven points listed above. He went on to discuss other defects in the proposed reform that was being circulated by the Pope. For example, he contended that
it is not the conjunction of the sun and moon which marks the beginning of the month but the day when the moon becomes visible minus 24 hours and this according to the horizon of Jerusalem and as calculated by mean motions. Thus the 14th day will be full moon but the Compendium makes full moon fall on the 16th day. The Compendium believes that the mean motion of the sun is irregular and hence the length of the year variable. But this has to be attributed to the instruments of observation. A long series of observations in the East, from 708 to 1472, establish that the length of the year is 365 days, 5 hours, 48 minutes, 53 5/12 seconds.”[23]
All this reveals the amount of scrutiny the Patriarch was able to bring to the effort of the reform. And more was to come.
On f. 22r Ignatius reveals the “greatest error” of the Compendium: “that it has not understood the first day of the month of the Jews.” It counts the 14th day from noon, whereas the day of the Jews begins at sunset. Also, if conjunction takes place shortly before sunset, the next day will invariably be the first day of the month. It thus results that the month always begins more than one day too early in the Compendium. If we also take the anomaly of the moon’s motion and the longitude difference between Rome and Jerusalem into account, the real full moon may occur up to five days later than calculated. Summarizing, Ignatius repeats that the Compendium makes the lunation begin one day too early and from noon, as astronomers do, but not as the Jews do. Ignatius joins a few tables to find Sunday letters according to several assumptions and he also adds thirty tables to find the new moons according to the opinion of the Holy Fathers and that of the Compendium.” [24]
Apparently the Patriarch’s reservations were taken very seriously, especially by the senior mathematician on the committee Clavius himself. For according to Ziggelaar
In his Explicatio Clavius asserts that the reform agrees completely with those rules of the Christians in the East which Patriarch Ignatius showed the commission in Rome, in particular that Easter may be celebrated immediately after the 14th day of the lunation. Ignatius is among the members who signed the report of the commission dated 14 September, 1580.” [25]
The final adoption of the reform was not a straightforward matter, and could not be assumed as finalized as soon as the Compendium was issued. It was in fact a long process, and some may even remember that as early as 1514 Copernicus himself was supposed to have participated in a proposed solution for the calendar reform.[26] The criticisms and the discussions that followed the first announcements of the Gregorian reform necessitated, several times, a return to the drawing table. At one point, the Paris faculty of theology’s response to the Compendium in 1577, judged that “astronomers are contemptible, dangerous and ignorant people.”[27]But particularly the Patriarch’s criticisms seem to have found a listening ear, for in the final formulation of the calendar reform, the commission
agreed on a few guide-lines, called “hypotheses”: if full moon occurs after six p.m., it is assigned to the next day. At new moon however, there is no need of so much precision. This seems to be the result of all the criticism by Ignatius.”[28]
And yet in the final reform formulation, as promulgated in 1582, the problem of the new moon falling after 6 pm being relegated to the next day was not formally accepted, but was found to be most correct if followed in practice. Ziggelaar concludes that “perhaps the criticism of Ignatius was accepted in practice, though never overtly.”[29]
Having a scientifically valid calendar, and accepting to keep within it the influence of the church tradition, like keeping Easter tagged to Passover, and the Vernal Equinox on March 21, as it was during the Nicean Council when Easter rules were established, instead of 25, which was being proposed at the time of the Gregorian reform, is one thing, and having it accepted universally by all churches East and West is another matter. Of all the committee members, Clavius was the most conscious of the political hoops the calendar had to go through after it was finally pronounced in the bull Inter gravissimas in 1582. He already anticipated that, especially in the Eastern churches, who incidentally never signed onto this reform at least as far as the date of Easter was concerned. In that respect, he must have known that the presence of the Patriarch on the committee would become a political asset. In fact, as early as 1581, he began to deploy that political asset as could be easily detected in his use of the name of the Patriarch in order to smooth the passage of the calendar in the Eastern churches. He must have been even worried about the Eastern Christians who were still affiliated with the Papal see, like the Maronites of Lebanon and the Melkites of Lebanon, Syria and Palestine, a sizeable number of whom did not participate in the boycott of the Roman church in 1054, just as much as he was worried about the Orthodox Christian churches who never fully adopted this reform as we just saw.
We have already said before that this particular pope, Gregory XIII, had his own ambitions visa vis the East, both in its Turkish face, against which he was trying to mount another crusade, and its Christian face as he was trying to re-unify the Eastern churches that had split off some five centuries before. After all, he welcomed Patriarch Ni’matallah in Rome, and assigned him a stipend from the papal treasury for the sole hope that the Patriarch would bring his Syrian church back under the papal flag as he promised he would do. It was also this Pope who had already sent several Jesuit emissaries during the 1570’s to Lebanon, Syria, Palestine and Egypt probably to attempt to proselytize among the Muslims, but most importantly to give aid to the few Eastern Christians who still swore allegiance to the Pope.
One of those emissaries who came to Lebanon several times in 1578 and throughout the 1580’s was a Jesuit by the name of Giambattista Eliano, who did indeed investigate the conditions of the Eastern Christians who were still in union with the Pope, and particularly the Maronites of Lebanon who had their own liturgy, different from that of Rome, and who never saw eye to eye with the Orthodox Christians who persecuted them as heretics when Orthodoxy was declared the religion of the Byzantine Empire during and after the schism of 1054. It was this fellow Jesuit, Eliano, who was the correspondent of Clavius, and to whom Clavius wrote in regard to the calendar:
About the calendar, which is already finished, you should not be anxious, because the Pope plans to let two very able men come from there, and the patriarch has also subscribed to our calendar and admitted that it is very good. I hope that it will soon be published, because the Pope is quite eager.”[30]
Clavius continued to defend the Calendar Reform well after it was announced in the bull of 1582. He did so, for example, in his voluminous Explicatio,[31] which was published in 1603. And in his correspondence with cardinal Vincenzo di Lauro, who was himself involved in the calendar reform and at one point appointed by the Pope to participate in and later head the committee that considered the proposal of Luigi Giglio for the reform,
Clavius also told [Lauro] how Patriarch Ignatius of Antioch appeared at the meeting of the commission with books from the East and it was verified that the measures planned by the commission were in full agreement with these texts.”[32]
This is as close as I have been able to get to the inner working of that committee, and to the role played by Na`matallah in the Gregorian reform. I will return to this point below when I assess this role and connect it with the general theme of this paper, namely the various modes of transmission of science from East to West. For now, it should have become clear how crucial that role was, and how intimate the relationship between the Patriarch and Clavius had become during the time when they both worked on the reform committee.
Before I conclude this paper I wish to use this information that we have already gathered about the Patriarch and Clavius in order to answer a question that was raised by my dear friend and colleague Eberhard Knobloch in his admirable work on Clavius and his knowledge of Arabic sources. I am referring here to Knobloch’s article with the same title that was published as part of the proceedings of a conference that took place in 2001.[33] In this splendid article, Knobloch reviews in the most masterly fashion the intricate relationship Clavius had with a dozen authors of Arabic mathematical texts, and examines very carefully Clavius’s interaction with those authors, texts, and the ideas contained in those texts. While discussing the relationship between Clavius’s work on Euclid’s Elements, and Tusi’s work on the same, Knobloch quotes Clavius’s preface of his 1589 edition of Euclid’s Elements as saying:
We learned long ago that the Arabs demonstrated the same principle. Though I diligently looked for the demonstration a long time, I could not see it, because it is not yet translated from the Arab [sic] into Latin. Hence I am obliged to imagine it by myself.” [34]
Knobloch goes on to say:
In the edition of his works Clavius replaced this section by the remark: “I never got the permission to read it though I continuously asked for it the owner of the Arabic Euclid.” We do not know anything about this person who must have been able to read Arabic and who did not give the book to Clavius.” [35]
After admitting that he did not know of the person who could read Arabic and who was an acquaintance of Clavius, Knobloch continues to identify the Euclidian text that Clavius was talking about. In that instance he says:
The Arabic Euclid must have been Pseudo-at-Iasi which appeared in Rome in 1594. But Clavius’s remark in his edition of 1589 proves that he knew this fact by hearsay already many years before the printed publication of the Arabic text appeared.” [36]
Knowing what we now know of the life and works of Patriarch Ni’matallah, you can say that this whole article was written just to answer my friend Knobloch’s puzzles. I think we now know who was the person intended by Clavius who could read Arabic but did not give Clavius the permission to see the book. I think that he was none other than the Patriarch. And the Eucledian text that Clavius had heard about was none other than the text that Ni’matallah brought along, which is now still preserved at the Laurentiana, and which was itself used as the base for the 1594 edition that was published by the Medici Oriental Press. We only need to remember that the Patriarch arrived in Rome in 1577, and was immediately appointed by the Pope to work on the committee for the Gregorian Reform. The Medici Oriental Press did not begin to publish the Arabic works that the Patriarch brought along until the early 1590’s, some ten years or so after the work on the Gregorian Reform was finished and promulgated with the Bull Inter gravissimas. Between the time when Clavius came to know of the Patriarch, in the late 1570’s, and the time the Press began to function, the Patriarch had, in all likelihood, not yet reached the deal with the Medici’s to join the board of the press under the leadership of Raimondi, and had not yet secured his livelihood of the 25 monthly scudes and life-time access to his books that he was promised if accepted to give his books to be used by the press. During that period of anxiety, and knowing how valuable those books were, otherwise he wouldn’t have taken them along in his perilous journey, the Patriarch was probably a little stingy with strangers wishing to consult them. That could explain his refusal to give Clavius the permission he needed.

Conclusion

In light of this multilayered evidence, I hope we can now safely say that Renaissance Europe was in fact in need of the sciences that were already relatively well developed in the Islamic world. The Patriarch knew that, and thus brought his scientific books along, and Clavius and the Pope knew that as well, and thus immediately made use of this learned man who offered his services at the right time. Clavius had already heard of the various Arabic sources that he used, and were elegantly gathered by Knobloch, through their Arabic translations. He was apparently eager to learn more, as was also concluded by Knobloch when he collected all the Arabic material that Clavius had heard about, and wished to pursue. In some instances he had to come up with solutions of his own which were already found in the Arabic sources, as Knobloch says. But in all instances, Clavius was a living example of a very competent scientist, a younger contemporary with Copernicus, like his French colleague Guillaume Postel, of the kind of fertile cross breeding that was taking place between the worlds of Islam and Renaissance Europe.
But most important for us is the manner in which Arabic scientific ideas were embedded into the Latin scientific tradition of the time. Ideas seem to have seeped in, as if by osmosis, without much fanfare and without the traditional modality of transmission of science where we can easily detect the routes between original Arabic books and their Latin translations. Aren’t we slightly better prepared now to understand how Copernicus could have known about the earlier Islamic astronomical works? And aren’t we better equipped to understand the intellectual climate of the Renaissance and the desperate need Renaissance scientists must have had for scientific texts from the Islamic world.

References


[1] The first version of this paper was delivered at a conference A Shared Legacy: Islamic Science East and West, which was hosted by the University of Barcelona in April 2007, for whose support and facilities to attend this conference is here gratefully acknowledged. See my most recent book Islamic Science and the Making of the European Renaissance, MIT Press, 2007.
[2] See Edward Said, Orientalism, Pantheon, 1978.
[3] See Anthony Grafton, “Michael Maestlin’s Account of Copernican Planetary Theory.” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 117, no. 6 (1973): 523-550.
[4]  Nowel Swerdlow, “The Derivation and First Draft of Copernicus’s Planetary Theory: A Translation of the Commentariolus with Commentary.” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 117, no. 6 (1973): 423-512, esp. p. 504
[5] Ibid.
[6] George Saliba, “Whose Science is Arabic Science in Renaissance Europe?,” https://www.columbia.eduf-gas 1 /proj ectivisions/case 1 /sci.1.html
[7] The information on this Patriarch derives from several sources, most important among them is a note written by Yubanna ‘Azzo, the secretary of the Antiochian Syriac Patriarchate. This biographical note was used as an introduction to `Azzo’s Arabic translation of the Syriac autobiographical letter that was sent by patriarch Ighnatius Ni`meh (short for Ni’matallah) to his parishioners in Diyar Bakr (probably from Rome towards the end of the sixteenth century). See Yiiharma `Azzo, “Ristilat al-batriyark Ighnatius Ni`meh,” al-Mashriq, vol 31 (1933) pp. 613-623, 730-737, 831-838. A less reliable biographical note was added by Louis Cheikho, in a previous issue of the same journal to his article “al-Tdifa al-mitruniya wa-l-ruhbaniya al-yastriya ft 1-qarnayn ‘ashar wa-l-scibi` ‘ashar“, al-Masriq, vol. 19 (1921), p. 139.
[8] Much of the information regarding the life of the Patriarch in Italy comes from the excellent work of John Robert Jones, Learning Arabic in Renaissance Europe (1505-1624), Ph.D. dissertation, London University, 1988. This particular note is appended to the Laurentiana manuscript OR 177, fol. 79r. Several other Arabic manuscripts in the Laurentiana collection are clearly marked as having been owned by this Patriarch Ignatius.
[9] The information regarding the relationship between the Patriarch and Ferdinand de Medici and the matter of the press comes from, among others, John Robert Jones, Learning Arabic, op. cit, John Robert Jones, The Arabic and Persian Studies of Giovan Battista Raimondi (c. 1536-1614), M. Phil dissertation, Warburg, London, 1981, and [John] Robert Jones, “The Medici Oriental Press (Rome 1584-1614) and the Impact of its Arabic Publications on Northern Europe,” in The Arabick’ Interest of the Natural Philosophers in Seventeenth-Century England, ed. G. A. Russell, Brill, Leiden, 1994, pp. 88-108. More information on this press and the role played by Ignatius Ni`meh, can be found in G. J. Toomer, Eastern Wisedome and Learning, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1996.
[10] For Gregory’s interest in a Turkish campaign, see the Catholic Encyclopedia, s.v. Gregory XIII.
[11] See, for example Jones, Learning Arabic, p. 42, where he says: Ignatius “Ni`matallah brought more than political influence to Europe. He was educated in the lingua franca of the Middle East, Arabic, and he was familiar with the medicine, mathematics and astronomy of the region. Joseph Scaliger referred appreciatively several times in his great Chronology, De Emendatione Temporum to a learned correspondence he had entered into with Ni`matallah; and the Pope appointed him to the commission for calendrical reform.”
[12] Jones, ”The Medici Oriental Press” op.cit.
[13] Gregorian Reform of the Calendar: Proceedings of the Vatican’s Conference to Commemorate its 400th Anniversary (1582-1982), edited by G. V. Coyne, S. J., M. A. Hoskins, and 0. Pedersen, Vatican, 1983.
[14] Ratio corrigendi fastos confirmata, et nomne omnium, qui ad Calendarii Correctionem delecti sunt oblate SS.mo D.N. Gregorio XIII. According to Baldini this report exists only in two Latin manuscripts: one at the Vatican Library Cod. Vat. Lat. 3685, 1-10, and the other at the Biblioteca Casanatense, Rome, 649, 164-167. See Baldini’s remarks about these manuscripts in Ibid, p. 155, n.1.
[15] Ibid, p. 137.
[16] Ibid., p. 162, n. 55.
[17] Ibid.
[18] Ibid, p. 148.
[19] Ibid.
[20] Ibid. p. 201.
[21] Ibid. p. 215.
[22] Ibid. p. 216.
[23] Ibid. p. 216-7.
[24] Ibid. p. 217.
[25] Ibid. p. 217-8.
[26] Noel Swerdlow and Otto Neugebauer, Mathematical Astronomy In Copernicus’s De Revolutionibus, Springer, NY, 1984, p. 8.
[27] Gregorian Reform of the Calendar, op. cit. p. 234, note 25.
[28] Ibid. p. 218.
[29] Ibid. p. 221.
[30] Letter quoted in part by Ziggelaar in ibid. p. 231.
[31] Chrisotopher Clavius, Romani calendarii a Gregorio XIII restituti explication, Roma, 1603.
[32] Quoted by Ziggelaar, in Gregorian Reformop. cit. p. 232.
[33] Knobloch Eberhard, “Christoph Clavius (1538-1612) and his knowledge of Arabic sources”. In: Gesuiti e university in Europa (secoli XVI — XVIII) Atti del Convegno di studi Parma, 13-15 dicembre 2001, a cura di Gian Paolo Brizzi e Roberto Greci. Bologna 2002, pp. 403-420.
[34] Ibid. p. 419.
[35] Ibid. p. 420.
[36] Ibid.

1001 Cures – Introduction « Muslim Heritage

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1001 Cures – Introduction « Muslim Heritage



1001 Cures – Introduction

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Islamic civilisation developed a system of healthcare that, at its apogée, was envied by both friend and foe. Therefore, medicine evolved into a highly complex and variegated discipline from the 7th to the 21st century in the various lands of Islam......
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Prof Peter E. Pormann, signing 1001 Cures books at the end of the event, Royal Society, London (Source)
Since physical well-being is of paramount importance in our lives, the pursuit of health is fundamental to human experience. Many civilisations have contributed to the development of medicine as a discipline, including those of Ancient Egypt and the Fertile Crescent, on which classical Greek culture drew when developing its own systems of medicine, science, and philosophy.
Islamic civilisation developed a system of healthcare that, at its apogée, was envied by both friend and foe. Therefore, medicine evolved into a highly complex and variegated discipline from the 7th to the 21st century in the various lands of Islam. Medicine transcended the confines of country and creed, as physicians from diverse religious, linguistic, and ethnic backgrounds shared in its scientific discourse. Islamic medicine also had a profound impact on surrounding cultures, notably European university medicine as it developed from the 12th century onwards. It survives today, in modified form, in many Muslim countries, and among Muslim communities across the world.
The present volume, 1001 Cures, aims to capture the dynamism and interest that existed in the medical tradition as it unfolded in the Middle East during the medieval period. In this introduction, I discuss some aspects of this multifaceted process by highlighting the various topics covered in the chapters of this book. At the end, I shall also talk briefly about the close link between medical traditions in Muslim civilisation and in Europe, which can only be understood in the context of their interconnectedness.
Islam emerged in the Arabian Peninsula. Among its desert-dwelling population, various medical techniques appear to have been known. Issues such as coughing (suʿāl), ophthalmia (ramad), and various injuries (often caused by tribal warfare) all figured in poems of the pre-Islamic and early Islamic periods, and the cures were often simple: camel urine and honey, for instance, had some prominence. In the two centuries before the emergence of Islam, the Arabs also came into contact with the two great empires of the time, the Sassanian and the Byzantine, as well as the Syriac-speaking Christians who often had to flee from religious persecution at the hands of their coreligionists who declared them to be heretics. Each of these communities possessed a quite sophisticated medicine, with that of the Greeks clearly standing out among the others.
Syriac-speaking Christians and the medical schools of Alexandria played a crucial role in one of the greatest enterprises in knowledge transfer: the Graeco-Arabic translation movement, the topic of the first chapter. Over the course of the 9th century, most available Greek medical texts were translated into Arabic, often via Syriac intermediary translations. The history of the translation movement from Greek into Arabic can be illustrated nicely by the example of Galen’s On Simple Drugs, which was twice rendered into Arabic. A certain al-Biṭrīq (fl. c. 754–75), about whom little is known, rendered the Greek in a rather paraphrastic way with many of the more technical terms left in transliteration. Fifty years later, Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq (d. c. 873) and his circle had developed a highly refined translational style and further enhanced the medical terminology. When they translated On Simple Drugs into Arabic, they were able to express even extremely complicated medical ideas in sophisticated Arabic. In other words, the technical medical language, which had largely been shaped through the translation, had come of age. Translation continued to play a prom-inent role in the development of medicine, as medical knowledge permeated various cultures via Syriac, Hebrew, Latin, and Arabic well into the early modern period.
The theory known as ‘humoral pathology’ dominated medical discourse in the Islamic and the European worlds until the advent of germ theory in the second half of the 19th century, and Pauline Koetschet discusses this fundamental concept in the second chapter. According to humoral pathology, good health is dependent on a balance (iʿtidāl) of the four humours, blood (dam), phlegm (balgham), yellow bile (mirra ṣafrāʾ), and black bile (mirra sawdāʾ). Each of these four humours was thought to have two of the four primary qualities, hot or cold, and dry or moist. For instance, black bile was considered to be cold and dry, whereas blood was hot and moist. The belief was that when an imbalance in the four humours occurs, disease ensues. Therapy then aimed to restore the balance by removing excessive humours — for instance blood through venesection (faṣd) and cupping (ḥijāma) — and regenerate deficient humours — for example through consumption of a diet that produces blood or phlegm, and so on.
Following in the footsteps of their Greek forebears, physicians in the medieval Islamic world took an acute interest in anatomy (tashrīḥ), to which Nahyan Fancy devotes the next chapter. Like the Greek term anatomḗ, the Arabic tashrīḥ was ambiguous, denoting both the study of human physiology (what we nowadays call ‘anatomy’ in English), and dissection, the ‘cutting open’ of human and animal bodies, either dead (dissection) or alive (vivisection). Anatomy in the modern sense was a greatly esteemed pursuit. Not only did physicians repeatedly state that students must study it, but theologians such as al-Ghazālī (d. 1111) also prized it highly, since it made man understand God’s providence (ʿināyat Allāh). In other words, the wonderful structure of the human body shows God’s intelligent design. Although dissection was not regularly performed, there was no taboo against its practice on human bodies. We even have a number of famous cases where Muslim physicians challenge Galenic anatomy. In his commentary on the Canon by Ibn Sīnā (known as Avicenna in the Latin West, d. 1037), for instance, the physician and philosopher Ibn al-Nafīs (d. 1288) discovered the pulmonary transit: the fact that blood does not pass from the right ventricle of the heart to the left via an opening (manfadh) in the septum, but rather passes through the lungs.

Figure 1. A medieval cupping (ḥijāma) glass
Already in late antiquity, physicians divided medical practice into prophylactics and therapeutics. In the chapter on preventive medicine, Maḥmūd al-Miṣrī argues that Arab physicians paid greater attention to prevention than their Greek forebears. Diet or regimen (tadbīr) played a crucial role. Food obviously has a direct effect on one’s well-being, and foodstuffs were integrated into the system of humoral pathology and primary qualities. Some were seen to generate good humours such as blood, whereas others gave rise to diseases. Exercise was also recognised as preserving health. In this way, physicians manipulated the ‘six non-naturals’ to prevent a patient from becoming ill. The ‘six non-naturals’, as they were known — namely 1) the surrounding air 2) food and drink 3) sleeping and waking 4) exercise and rest 5) retention and evacuation, and 6) the mental state — also affected the health of a person. Too much exercise (under 3), for example, could cause excessive heat in the body, which had other physiological consequences; lack of sleep (under 4) could lead to health problems; and so on. Retention and evacuation referred to the bowel movement and urination of the patient, but could also take other forms such as sexual intercourse, during which semen is evacuated (in both men and women). Sexual hygiene evolved into a separate subject with monographs by authors such as al-Kindī (d. c. 870), Abū Bakr al-Rāzī (d. c. 925) and Avicenna.
The mental state is the last of the six ‘non-naturals’, and Pauline Koetschet explores the mind-body relationship in Chapter 5. The link between mental and physical states was a strong one. On the one hand, sadness, sorrow, grief, fright, and fear could cause bodily reactions leading to disease. On the other hand, mental states were seen as the result of a person’s mixture or temperament (mizāj, Greek krâsis). Galen had written a treatise with the programmatic title ‘That the Faculties of the Soul Follow the Mixtures of the Body’, which was translated into Arabic. For instance, melancholy (malinkhūliyā) was thought ot be, as its name suggests, a disease caused by black bile (al-mirra al-sawdāʾ, Greek mélaina cholḗ). Yet, it could be acquired in a variety of ways: the wrong food was thought to lead to melancholy, but also the wrong lifestyle, and even mental activities, such as excessive thinking. Melancholy was only one of many mental disorders for which physicians in the Islamic world developed sophisticated categories and therapies; moreover, music played a particular role in the care of those suffering from mental diseases.
The regulation of the ‘six non-naturals’ was important in preventing disease and curing it. Medication, however, occupied an even more prominent place. In her contribution, Leigh Chipman discusses the subject of pharmacology. Here one has to distinguish between simple drugs (adwiya mufrada) and compound drugs (adwiya murakkaba). Simple drugs are single substances such as mint, honey, arsenic, or opium, which possess certain qualities, both primary (dry, moist; hot, cold) and others (e.g. styptic, purging). Following Galen, these qualities were often rated in degrees from one (lowest) to four (and occasionally higher). Compound drugs consist of more than one ingredient, and could, at times, be very complicated. For instance, some recipes for theriac (tiryāq, from Greek theriakḗ) — a drug originally made to counter the effect of snake bites, and later used as a sort of panacea — contained dozens and dozens of different, and at times difficult to procure, ingredients. From a modern point of view, some ingredients seem highly effective (e.g. opium), whereas the usefulness of others is disputed.
Another means of therapy is surgery (jirāḥa), discussed in the chapter by the late Professor Rabie E. Abdel-Halim. Surgery ranged from milder and simpler interventions such as bone-setting (jabr) to quite complex operations. For instance, excessive blood could be removed both through venesection (or phlebotomy, faṣd) and cupping (ḥijāma). In the former technique, one of the patient’s veins was incised, and the blood would then run out. At times, blood was let in this way until the patient fainted. Two types of cupping existed: dry cupping and wet cupping. In both cases, cupping glasses were applied to suck disease matter and superfluities out of the body. In the latter case, small incisions on the skin were also made, and some blood would come out of them. Physicians and surgeons also frequently resorted to cauterisation (kayy): a heated iron (or cautery, mikwāh) would be placed on the skin to burn it; this would staunch bleeding and disinfect to some extent. Sometimes, extremely hazardous surgical procedures are explained in great detail, but it is doubtful that they were ever performed.
Next, Aileen Das tackles the topic of gynaecology and female practitioners by considering if there were any female physicians and how conditions specifically affecting women were treated. Much of the standard medical care, the ‘bodywork’, was probably carried out by women. Whether as mothers, sisters, aunts, grandmothers, wise women, or nurses, women played a significant role in the medical marketplace. Yet, because the medical historiography was largely a male domain, and as the society as a whole was highly patriarchal, women’s voices only reach us faintly across the centuries. Still, we have indirect evidence that women practiced medicine in various guises. Women were not only practitioners, but also patients. Even if women might, at times, feel shame to be treated by male physicians, it appears that, in extreme cases, male doctors would even examine female genitalia. Such practices are justified by the Islamic legal principle of ‘necessity (ḍarūra)’: the woman’s welfare outweighs other considerations.
Gynaecological conditions include not just menstruation, but also pregnancy and breastfeeding, which feature in manuals on paediatrics. This topic is addressed by Maḥmūd al-Miṣrī in a chapter that first reviews the paediatric literature in Arabic. This literature is particularly rich and a testament to the care and attention paid to children by physicians in the medieval Islamic world. The chapter then discusses advice about rearing children and some specific conditions affecting them.
Some parts of the body require special attention, such as the eyes. Therefore, ophthalmology developed into a specialist area, which Aileen Das discusses in Chapter 10. It generated its own genre of monographs by authors such as Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq, who wrote the famous Ten Treatises on the Eye (Al-ʿAshr maqālāt fī al-ʿayn), ʿAlī ibn ʿĪsā al-Kaḥḥāl (10th century), ʿAmmār ibn ʿAlī al-Mawṣilī (fl. c. 1000), and Khalīfa ibn Abī al-Maḥāsin al-Ḥalabī (fl. c. 1250s–70s). Although physicians drew heavily on the Greek legacy in this area, they also made new discoveries and distinguished previously unknown ailments, as the example of sabal (pannus) shows. This disease, in which blood vessels from the limbus invade the cornea, does not appear in the classical Greek medical works. Yuḥannā ibn Miskawayh and his pupil Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq, however, included it in their ophthalmological works, and advise on its treatment.

Figure 2. Bone-setting illustrated in a Latin translation of Avicenna’s Canon of Medicine
A hotly debated topic was contagion and whether or not one should leave a locality infested by plague or other epidemic diseases. Justin K. Stearns investigates both the medical and the theological discourses surrounding this topic. The Prophet Muḥammad reportedly had denied the existence of contagion. Yet there is another tradition, linked to the plague of Emmaus (ʿAmwās, located some twenty miles north-west of Jerusalem) that occurred in the year 638. Here, the faithful were enjoined not to enter a region affected by the plague if they were outside it, nor to leave it if they were there. Medical sources, however, recognised contagion in certain cases, although here, too, the theory of miasmas, inherited from Hippocratic works, remained one of the aetiological explanations.
The exchange of medical ideas across the Mediterranean through translation continued into the modern period. Two examples illustrate this. Dāwūd al-Anṭākī (d. 1599), a physician from Syria, wrote the Memorandum Book for Those Who Have Understanding and Collection of Wondrous Marvels (Tadhkirat ulī l-albāb wa-l-jāmiʿ li-l-ʿajab al-ʿujāb). In it, he drew not only on the earlier Graeco-Arabic tradition exemplified by Avicenna’s Canon, but also incorporated descriptions of new diseases such as syphilis together with some European recipes. Likewise, the court physician Ṣāliḥ ibn Naṣr ibn Sallūm (d. 1669) commissioned the translation of a treatise entitled The New Chemical Medicine of Paracelsus (Kitāb aṭ-Ṭibb al-jadīd al-kīmiyāʾī taʾlīf Barākalsūs), in which a Christian colleague, called Nicolas, translated the work of two German followers of Paracelsus’ chemical medicine. Natalia Bachour discusses this ‘new chemical medicine’ in her chapter and shows that the exchange of ideas between East and West continued in the Ottoman Empire. Even the many encounters with colonial medicine throughout the 19th century are not always ones of Western superiority.
Not only new treatment, but also new ideas about how medicine should be regulated were developed by physicians in the medieval Islamic world. They wrote on medical deontology (or medical ethics), discussed in Chapter 13 by Hinrich Biesterfeldt. Elite physicians endeavoured to distinguish themselves from other practitioners in the medical marketplace, with varying degrees of success. On the one hand, they argued for a canon of medical knowledge that all physicians should master in order to have access to the profession. For instance, in a manual on market inspection (ḥisba) from the 13th century, its author, the physician al-Shayzarī, demanded that physicians be tested according to the instructions given in Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq’s On the Examination of the Physician (Fī Miḥnat al-ṭabīb). Other manuals on medical ethics such as those by al-Ruhāwī (fl. c. 850s) and Ṣāʿid ibn al-Ḥasan (d. 1072), or on how to examine physicians such as that by al-Sulamī, also refer to a canon of testable knowledge, largely based on Greek texts in Arabic translation. The famous physician and philosopher ʿAbd al-Laṭīf al-Baghdādī (d.1231) even urged his readers to return to the example of Hippocrates and Galen.  In this way, the medical canon of textbooks serves as a touchstone. Yet, it is clear, too, from the same manuals on medical ethics and testing physicians that the medical elite rarely succeeded in excluding their competition. Moreover, there are injunctions to treat patients for free and not derive financial gain from exercising the medical profession.
A prominent topic in recent scholarship is the Islamic hospital, discussed by Ahmed Ragab. What are the antecedents of the Islamic hospital and in what way was it original? Certainly Byzantine institutions and notions of Christian charity, as well as late antique Greek medicine played an important role. I have argued elsewhere, however, that five factors came together in Islamic hospitals which render them unique, and which, together, mark a significant departure from previous institutions (Pormann 2008a; 2010c). They are, briefly: 1) legal and financial security through the status of pious foundation (waqf) in Islamic law; 2) the ‘secular’ character of the medical therapy; 3) the presence of elite practitioners; 4) medical research; and 5) medical teaching. The combination of these factors certainly constitutes innovation. Moreover, only the institutional setting made it possible for physicians like Abū Bakr Muḥammad al-Rāzī to carry out large-scale research or to encounter rare diseases. Ragab touches on these aspects and presents fresh evidence from his recent research.
The two chapters which follow focus on two great medical men, perhaps the two most significant physicians in the Arabo-Islamic medical tradition. Interestingly, both hailed from Persian backgrounds, yet both wrote nearly exclusively in Arabic. The first, Abū Bakr Muḥammad ibn Zakarīyāʾ al-Rāzī — discussed here by Pauline Koetschet — is arguably the greatest clinician of the medieval period. For instance, he wrote a major and highly influential treatise on Smallpox and Measles (Fī al-Judarī wa-l-ḥaṣba), in which he distinguishes between the two conditions and offers tools for differential diagnosis, a topic on which he also wrote a separate work with the title What Differentiates [between Diseases] (Kitāb mā l-Fāriq). On Smallpox and Measles continued to be highly influential not only in the East, but also in Europe, with Latin, English, and French translations appearing in the 18th and 19th centuries.
Ibn Sīnā, discussed in Chapter 16, is arguably the most influential physician after Galen of Pergamum. His Canon of Medicine represents a true watershed in the writing of medical encyclopaedias, and much medical instruction, whether in the East or the West is subsequently based on the Canon and the many commentaries, super commentaries and abridgments have been written on it. Avicenna also penned a number of shorter texts, in both prose and poetry, and his Urjūza (or ‘poem on medicine’) is particularly famous. There is recent debate as to whether Avicenna was actually a practicing physician and original medical thinker, but I argue here that he was.
The last three chapters explore the relationship between medicine and other disciplines such as literature, philosophy and religious scholarship. Arabic literature (or ‘belles-lettres’(adab)) contains a number of medical anecdotes. The 10th-century author and judge al-Tanūkhī, for instance, reported some extraordinary cases, such as that of Siamese twins, joined at the hip, who had to do everything together; or that of the girl at death’s door because of a tick in her vagina (its removal caused her great shame). Emily Selove tackles the relationship between literature and medicine by looking at rhetorical devices in medical discourse, and by exploring how physicians wrote literature. The famous Physician’s Dinner-Party (Daʿwat al-aṭibbāʾ) by Ibn Buṭlān (d. 1066), a doctor from Baghdad who died in 1066, is a work of adab, in which the author makes fun at the expense of his colleagues. Moreover, Selove investigates how medical discourse also pervaded literature, both prose and poetry.
In his chapter on medicine and philosophy, Peter Adamson first investigates how both disciplines arrived in the Arabic tradition through acts of translation, and how the translators of medical texts were often the same as those who also rendered philosophical works.
He then reflects on the fact that physicians were often also philosophers, with famous examples including al-Rāzī and Avicenna. But some works such as the Paradise of Wisdom by al-Ṭabarī (839–923) or the Benefits of Bodies and Souls by al-Balkhī (10th century) actually constitute works on both medicine and philosophy, mixing the two disciplines. Moreover, many medical ideas also entered philosophical discourse, not least in terms of the interrelationship between mind and body.
In the final chapter, Nahyan Fancy discusses the relationship between medicine and religion, and rejects the notion that religion hampered medical progress in the Islamic world. Rather, there is a large body of religious scholarship which actively encourages the pursuit of medicine. After all, the Prophet reportedly said that ‘God did not send down any disease without also sending down a cure for it (mā anzala llāhu dāʾan illā wa-anzala lahū dawāʾan)’. Fancy also discusses the genre of prophetic medicine (al-Ṭibb al-Nabawī), also known as ‘Medicine of the Prophet (Ṭibb al-Nabī)’. This genre of medical (or rather, legal-medical) literature developed from the 10th century onwards. Legal scholars drew on collections of utterances of the Prophet (ḥadīth) and reports about the behaviour of the Prophet (sunna) to establish a religiously sound medical tradition. This genre gained greater prominence from the 13th century onwards.
Religion also played a role in other ways. When faced with illness, many Muslims, Christians, and Jews reacted by praying to God and seeking His succour. But they went further: at times, they would, for instance, write certain sūras on a piece of paper which they would carry as a pendant, or drink water from bowls inscribed with Qurʾānic verses. Here the line between licit religious practice and illicit use of magic (siḥr) is not always clear.
The chapters of this book thus provide a rich and detailed study of medicine as it developed in the medieval Islamic world. Yet this tradition also had a tremendous impact on Europe during the Middle Ages and the Renaissance: in Italy, Spain, and Antioch, many Arabic medical texts were translated into Latin. The two figures who excelled in these endeavours were Constantine the African (d. before 1099), and Gerard of Cremona (d. 1187). They translated not only the great encyclopaedias by Abū Bakr al-Rāzī (known  in Latin as the Book for al-Manṣūr (Liber ad Almansorem)), al-Majūsī (fl. c. 983) (Royal Book (Liber regius)) and Avicenna (Canon Medicinae), but also many monographs such as that by Isḥāq ibn ʿImrān (d. c. 904) On Melancholy (De Melancholia) or that by the Ibn al-Jazzār (d. 980) On Sexual Intercourse (De coitu). The Introduction to Medicine (al-Mudkhal fī l-Ṭibb) by Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq became known in Latin as Isagoge Ioannitii, and was core curriculum in most of the nascent European universities from the 13th century onwards. Likewise, during the European Renaissance, Avicenna’s Canon was printed and reprinted dozens of times; it was also (together with the Qurʾān) the first book to be printed in Europe in Arabic for the Arabic market (Siraisi 1987).  Even the great Renaissance anatomist Andreas Vesalius (d. 1564) wrote a Paraphrase of al-Rāzī’s ‘Book for al-Manṣūr’. There can, therefore, be no doubt that Arabic medicine in Latin translation had a profound and lasting impact on the history of medicine in the West. Some physicians during the Renaissance, however, resented the prominent position of Arabic medicine, and fought vigorously to erase the Arab and Muslim contribution to medicine (Pormann 2010e). At times, they succeeded in sidelining and removing Arabic and Islamic heritage from the history books, although this trend is now declining.
Islamic medicine is also a continuous tradition. In many Muslim countries, the texts of Avicenna are eagerly read, and in the souks one can buy the ingredients necessary to create the various drugs. On the Indian sub-continent, this medical tradition has developed into what is nowadays called Yūnānī Ṭibb (lit. ‘Greek Medicine’). Next to Ayurveda, it constitutes the major classical medical tradition, and together with Muslim migrant communities, has now reached most corners of the world. Likewise, the medicine of the Prophet enjoys great popularity, and many of the works mentioned remain in print in numerous editions. Finally, there is also a large market for what one could call ‘fusion medicine’, syncretic collections of Greek humoral pathology and modern (Western) medicine that are commercially highly successful. Therefore, in many ways, the medical tradition that developed in the medieval Islamic world continues to thrive and grow in many different ways.
This work is one of history: it aims to trace the complex development of medicine within the medieval Islamic world. ‘Islamic’ here refers to societies dominated by the religion of Islam, where it was also embraced by the ruler. Many medieval Islamic societies, however, were open to others, and mostly more tolerant than their Christian counterparts (see e.g. Cohen 1994). Medicine in particular provides an excellent example of this pluralism in medieval Muslim culture: the physicians and medical practitioners hailed from a wide variety of backgrounds – Muslim and non-Muslim, Arab and non-Arab – and developed a discourse that went beyond country and creed. This book, therefore, tells the story of this intercultural exchange and interaction: how medicine emerged against the backdrop of Greek humoral pathology, and how it grew to be envied by both friend and foe. Yet, it should be stated at the outset that this is not primarily a work about Islamic medicine in the sense of how Islam as a religion viewed matters of health and disease. Prophetic medicine, for instance, will only be touched upon briefly, insofar as it constituted a historic development. Nor do we aim to elucidate and explain what the Qurʾān , Ḥadīth, and Sunna said about treating patients or how medicine should be practised according to them. To be sure, in a society in which Islam was the dominant religion, we will, on occasion, mention different religious attitudes and debates, for instance that about contagion in Justin Stearns’ chapter. Yet, fundamentally, our approach is historic, not religious.
Further Reading
For a study of the sources, the works by Ullmann (1970) and Sezgin (1970) remain fundamental. Good introductions include Ullmann (1978a), Pormann/ Savage-Smith (2007), Shefer-Mossensohn (2009), and Pormann (2011, 2013a), all with further literature. For a thorough assessment of medieval Arabo-Latin translations, see Burnett (2009).

Hydraulic Imagery in Medieval Arabic Texts « Muslim Heritage

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Hydraulic Imagery in Medieval Arabic Texts « Muslim Heritage





Hydraulic Imagery in Medieval Arabic Texts

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The Arabic reports about irrigation, dams and water-powered machines form a cultural construction which could be called hydraulic imagery. The term imagery is related to the perception patterns concerning hydraulic constructions inasmuch these patterns are reproduced in documental genres in the specific geographical, historical and cultural context of the sources. Thus the references on water-power range from reports about milling output in terms of day-production of meal or flour up to impressive accounts about marvellous machines with the features of a perpetuum mobile. These references are embedded in various textual sources which belong to a quite heterogeneous spectre of literary genres including geographical and cosmographical works (like those of al-Dimashq), technological treatises (like the compendia of ingenious devices presented by Bana Musa and al-Jazari) as well as administration documents. Undoubtedly such reports are inspired by the historical reality of hydraulic constructions scattered from al-Andalus and the Maghreb in the Muslim West to Mesopotamia and Transoxania in the East. However, the specific reporting forms as well as several features attributed textually to the constructions under discussion reflect narrative conventions of the specific literary genre rather than realistic representation modes of technological artefacts. The present study develops a typology of such patterns and proposes interpretation models for their emerging on the basis of the specific socio-economic context and the features of the dominant literary traditions in which the narrative patterns concerning the hydraulic imagery are encountered. ...

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Hydraulic engineering in the medieval Arab world: the historical background 

The use of water-power for operating machines has a long tradition in the several regions which came under the dominion of Islam in the medieval times. This heritage includes scientific traditions in the Greco-Roman world, as well as the numerous aspects and technological features of water-powered machines all over the Mediterranean, as well as the Near East and the Middle East.
The expansion of the Muslim state in the Mediterranean, the Mesopota-mia and the Iranian territory during the 7th century AD enabled contacts and interactions of several scientific and engineering cultures under the Muslim rule. In the case of water-powered machines and hydraulic technology in general different geomorphological landscapes and climatic conditions acted as a polymorphic background for know-how transfer and further development. Novel techniques for crop irrigation were substantial for the transfer of species like cotton, sugar cane and oranges from East up to the Iberian Peninsula. On the other hand using water-power for milling cereals, oil seeds and sugar cane became increasingly important for the food supply of the rural and urban populations in the several Muslim states which resulted from the Arab expansion. Crucial importance obtained the several types of water-raising machines for both fresh-water supply and irrigation in the Arab-ruled regions which in many cases were characterised by shortage of surface water. Beside their role in every-day technological applications (mostly in rural context as well as in procedures of food processing) water-powered machines were engaged in many marvellous devices conceived and, to a certain extent, presumably realised in environments maintained and supported by princes, rulers and distinguished persons.
The importance of hydraulic science and engineering in the Muslim states and the Arab contribution to the transmission of previous know-how and to further development have been worked out and analysed by several authors. The purpose of the present study is to demonstrate characteristic patterns of presenting water-power plants in Arabic historical sources and to interpret these perception patterns in the specific political and cultural context.

(Left) A manuscript shows Al-Jazari’s reciprocating pump. This was the first time an illustration of a crank appeared in a manuscript* – (Right) 3D animated image of reciprocating pump (Source)

Sources

Historical references and archaeological evidence concerning water-powered machines in the Greek, Roman and Islamic world are given in the works on history of technology by Forbes (1957), Schioler (1973), Oleson (1984), Hill (1984/1996; 1986), Schnitter (1994), El Faiz (2005). In his monumental work on Science and Civilisation in China J. Needham (1965 & 1966) extended the comparative study by considering Chinese evidence.
If we focus our study upon Arabic primary sources, we encounter mentioning of such machines in travel reports as well as in works of cosmography (i.e. combination of geographical data with cosmological and philosophical doctrines) describing Islamic and non-Islamic countries. Further genres are treatises on agriculture, on the rural projects of the State, and finally special treatises concerned with the description of ingenious devices, a kind of marvellous machines conceived on the basis of mechanics and hydraulics.
In the following we shall present first some typical references in Arabic geographic texts of the 10th century AD. We shall then proceed by considering a treatise of the beginning of the 11th century on hydraulic projects of the Muslim state and several texts on agricultural engineering. We shall conclude by referring to several texts concerned with imagery and visions of hydraulic technology as well as with the typical Arabic tradition of hydraulic marvellous machines.

(Left)  Third page of the section devoted to the six-cylinder pump in the Chester Beatty MS (p. 38) of Al-Turuq al-Saniya. – (Right) 3D animated image of six-cylinder pump (Source)

Utilitarian perspectives 

Arab geographers often refer to agricultural production of the countries they describe. A special aspect in such descriptions is the dependency of agriculture on water management. Irrigation systems, darns, as well as water-mills belong to large-scale technology which becomes a positively connoted sign of the landscapes described.
Al-Muctaddasi (d. 1000 AD) describes several dams in Iran, among which a pre-Islamic dam which provided hydraulic power in Khuzistan, and a dam built in the 10th century AD on the river Ki1r, in the Iranian province Fars, by the Buyid emir eAcIrtd al-Dawla:
Adud al-Dawla closed the river between Shiraz and Istakhr by a great wall, strengthened with lead. And the water behind it rose and formed a lake. Upon it the two sides were ten water-wheels like those mentioned in Khuzistan, and below each wheel was a mill, and it is today one of the wonders of Fars.” (Al-Muqaddasi, Arabic text p. 344; Engl. translation quoted from Hill, 1984, p. 137)
The positive attitude of Arab and Persian writers towards water power and milling is expressed in the way they estimate water stream according its capacity in powering mills. Referring to Upper Mesopotamia, the granary of Baghdad, Ibn klawqal (10th century AD) underlines the use of Tigris stream for powering ship-mills:
The ship-mills on the Tigris at Mosul have no equal anywhere, be-cause they are in very fast current, moored to the bank by iron chains. Each [mill] has four stones and each pair of stones grinds in the day and night 50 donkey-loads. They are made of wood —sometimes of teak.” (Ibn klawqal, Arabic text p. 219; Engl. translation quoted from Hill, 1984, p. 137)
In 1184 AD Ibn Jubayr (1145-1217 AD) describes the ship mills across the river Khabur in Upper Mesopotamia with the exalting expression “fonning, as it were, a dam” (Ibn Jubayr, Arabic text p. 243; Engl. translation quoted from Hill, 1984, p. 137).
Even tidal mills are mentioned, e.g. by al-Muqaddasi:
The ebb-tide is also useful for operating the mills, because they are at the mouths of the rivers, and when the water comes out it turns them.” (Engl. translation quoted from Hill, 1984, p. 138)
What is characteristic in all above references is the narrative scheme of the Arab geographers according to which the utilitarian use of water-powered rural machines appears as an indicator for improving the prosperity of the regions described (Hill, 1991, p. 184). Only few technical details of functioning or construction are mentioned, which implies that the authors had poor knowledge of or no interest in such details. Their main goal was to present these human constructions as something exceptional, as “wonders” which contributed to the image and the prestige of the regions.
A different utilitarian perspective can be traced in treatises concerned with agriculture. Already in the Nabatean Agriculture, a treatise translated from the Syriac into Arabic in the 10th century AD (El Faiz, 2005, p. 30) we get a detailed description of water-raising machines, such as sciqiya, a perpendicular potgarland driven by an animal which rotates a horizontal beam fixed to the perpendicular axis with a gearing to the potgarland. The sources we will refer to come from al-Andalus. Most probably the *rya was introduced into the Iberian Peninsula by the Arabs. In the treatises of the AndalusT agronomists Ibn al-‘Awwam and Abu l-Khayr several water-raising machines used in agriculture are not only described in their outlook and functioning but also with respect to their construction specifications and the possibilities of improving thief efficiency —perhaps a rational option of prestige writing (El Faaz, 2005, pp. 219-220; Glick, 1992, p. 981).

These norias, which raise water from the Orontes River, are in Hama, Syria* (Source)

Patterns of prestige and political legitimacy 

Prestige issues are conventionally associated to persons of the political stage (or, more generally, of the public sphere). It is, therefore, understan-dable that important works related to water —whether providing drinking water, establishing adequate irrigation of fields or constructing water-powered machines— have been honourably attributed to distinguished Muslims. A well-known example is the project to provide the pilgrimage mute from Baghdad to Mecca with drinking water. The idea was inherent to the religious duties of the Muslim caliph. It is Zubayda (d. 831 AD), one of the wives of the Abbasid caliph Harun al-Rashid (786-809 AD), who has associated her name with the project of a canal supposed to carry water from Baghdad all the way down to Mecca. The idea and some financial details of the project are mentioned in the biographical dictionary of Ibn Khallikan(1211-1282 AD) (lbn Khallikan, vol. I, p. 337). However, no precise information concerning any realised parts is provided, except of the plant for supplying Mecca with water from a spring some 25 miles away. In his journey description Ibn Jubayr (1145-1217 AD) gives some aspects of the water supply along the route from Baghdad to Mecca (El Faiz, 2005, pp. 111-114). However, this hydraulic infrastructure is commonly attributed to the caliph al-Ma’mfm (813-833 AD) (El Faiz, 2005, p. 113). The imprecise and often contradictory information about the ambitious water-supply projects concerning the Islamic Holy Place (Hitti, 1970, p. 302; El Faiz, 2005, p. 111-114) underlines the symbolic value of the subject and renders the several versions of the narrative a pattern of prestige and political legitimacy rather than a puzzle of historical evidence.
Similar narratives of political prestige and power concern prestigious regional rulers or public persons, e.g. the “superintendent of irrigation” of Mery in the 10th century, who was said to have more power than the prefect of the city since he commanded some 10000 workers to build and maintain irrigation canals and dams, and a series of 10 norias and attached mills (Ibn 1;lawqal, pp. 635-636; Hill, 1984/1996, p. 25). With reference to the same dam of the river Kur in Fars mentioned by al-Muqaddasi (al-Muqaddasi, p. 344), Ibn al-Balkhi underlines 150 years later (12th cent. AD) the labour organised and the money spent by ‘Adud al-Dawla for constructing the dam (Lambton, p. 867).
A report combining description and admiration of administrating irrigation services is included in the Kitab al-Hawi dating to the 2nd quarter of the 11th century AD (Cahen, 1949-1951, pp. 117-143). Among fiscal regulations we find detailed data concerning the output of the various water-driven plants: mills, water-raising machines, etc. Written at the end of the Buyid era it is a typical demonstration of political legitimacy through a discourse based on the hydraulic network.

(Left) Page from a 13th-century manuscript depict a water-raising machine designed by Al-Jazari. (Source)

Hydraulic imagery and marvellous machines: cosmographies, hiyal 

The Arabic reports about irrigation plants, dams and water-powered ma-chines formed a cultural construction which could be called hydraulic imagery. Quite often patterns of this imagery were associated with individual biographies. The Egyptian historian Ibn al-Qifti (1172-1248 AD) reports about the audacious project of the Basrian scientist Ibn al-Haytham (965-1039 AD) who considered to erect a dam on the river Nile near the first cataract in the south of Aswan. The aim of this vision was the effective regulation of the annual overflow of the Nile (Ibn al-Qifti, pp. 114-116). After having been officially invited by the Fatimid caliph al-Ijakim, Ibn al-Haytham surveyed the region, but apparently gave up his plan. It is reported that he then “simulated” madness in order to escape the wrath of the Fatimid caliph. It is not easy to exclude exaggerations and gigantomany with respect to the biographies of the Fatimid caliph or Ibn al-Haytham; this could be the contribution of the historiography to the formation of hydraulic imagery in the service of glorifying or colouring individuals. On the other hand the subject itself is the prototype of an incredible gigantesque project. The name of the Basrian scientist remained inherently associated with his hydraulic utopia and his “collateral madness” as embodied exaltation (El Faiz, 2005, pp. 129-137).
Exaltations in reports concerning agricultural technology, particularly hydraulic machines, as well as affinity to the Arabic literary form of the “wonders” (‘aja’ib) (Dubler, pp. 203-204; Institut du Monde arabe, 1978) are typical characteristics of textual sources on travelling and geography of the 12th to the 14th centuries AD. These aspects are especially prominent in treatises which present both geographical evidence and cosmological models explaining the data on a philosophical and theological basis. In modern terms such treatises are usually called cosmographies. This is not to say that information on prestigious and highly estimated hydraulic constructions that is provided in such treatises is generally exaggerated. Many references of technological devices constitute today valuable information on medieval technology, i.e. the mention that we find in al-Qazwini’s cosmography (1203-1283 AD) about the water-mill with horizontal wheel in Malaga. In the cosmography of al-Dimashqi (1256-1327 AD) such descriptions mostly refer to extraordinary ways of using natural resources (matter, wind or water).
In the description of the land of Azerbaijan al-Dimashqi presents the fortified town of Merend (Mehren, 1884, pp. 254-255, French translation; Mehren, 1866, p. 188, Arabic text). The information he gives about this place is concentrated on its remarkable water-mill: “In the place named Merend there is a mill which is put in rotation by a still water; and this belongs to the marvels of the world. It is built in the following way:
 The mill house comprises two stone mills with two water wheels. Each water wheel is put in rotation by its own water [stream]. The upper [mill] stone rotates and grinds the grain. The two water wheels are fixed at the lateral parts of a vault in which the water remains stored with a depth of a man’s body and a breadth as well as a length of 6 cubits [e.g. ca. 4 m]. In the middle of this vault there is a pillar stretched like a bridge [horizontally] over the breadth of the vault and fixed on both side walls. This pillar bears two reinforced leaden water pipes which hold on each other tightly [unified] and hang over the pillar up to the surface of the water. Both water pipes are open. Inside there is a structure [device?] by means of which the water is sucked up towards a height of half a cubit [e.g. ca. 34 cm]. It is elevated in it [i.e. in the pipes] and kept on in stream until it flows down powerfully through the other pipe, which rises over the surface of the water in a certain distance. Thus the water flows out from this pipe and, as it falls on the water wheel, it revolves the wheel and moves the mill stone. After falling on the wheel scoops the flowing water reaches the same water [of the storing basin], then it is raised up in the other pipe turned to the other side and flows down from there. This pipe is of the same height and breadth [as the first one]. Thus each pipe sucks alternatively the water ejected by the other, so that the water mass neither decreases nor increases nor moves except at the openings of the two pipes where they suck up and pour out again the water.”
It is not the purpose of the present study to smooth or modernise the text in order to make it understandable as far as the functioning of the twin water-pipes is concerned. The details provided by the text are not enough to reconstruct the outline of the plant; they do not even elucidate the several possible functions. Even the illustration embedded in the manuscript and referring to the water-mill does not just illustrate the text (Canavas, 2005, pp. 291-297). Moreover, it underlines the apparent goal of the presentation of the water-mill of Merend by al-Dimashqi: the marvel described here is a perpetuum mobile. Work (i.e. turning the mill stones) is done without any visible input of external power!
The textual treatment of hydraulic machines as marvels finds its most remarkable expression in the compendia of ingenious machines (Arabic: hiyal) composed by Banu Musa in Abbasid Baghdad (9th century AD) and by al-Jazari in Diyarbakir (1206 AD). The Book of Ingenious Devices of the brothers Banu Musa contains descriptions and illustrations of 100 devices. Al-Jazari’s compedium yields descriptions and construction de-tails for 50 elaborate devices which combine mechanics, pneumatics and hydraulics (Hill 1984/1996, p. 199 ff.). Both treatises refer to design and construction for palace environments —”utilitarian” purposes similar to those of the rural machines described above are not mentioned in the biyal treatises.

The Self Changing Fountain of Banu Musa bin Shakir (Source)

Conclusions

In our study we analysed several Arabic textual sources concerning hydraulic machines. The various patterns traced are strongly related to the specific literary forms and the historical-cultural context of the texts. Whereas travellers and geographers of the 10th century AD underline utilitarian aspects and insert the hydraulic machines into the specific political and economic landscape, later historians and biographers introduce similar utility patterns as prestige criteria in assessing persons of the public sphere: dealing with hydraulic artefacts enables exalting and distinguishing (in case of failure: discrediting) individual persons. The hydraulic imagery finds a prominent position in the literary form of the “wonders” (`aja’ib), the Arabic mirabilia, and in the category of “tricky” devices in palaces and gardens.
The above patterns are expressed through specific narrative forms. As a consequence, these forms standardised the manners in which hydraulic know-how and technology are reported. Such reports were undoubtedly inspired by the practical reality; however, it would be an over-interpretation of poor reliability to assert that they depicted social and technological practice. Even if the textual sources in many cases allow the assumption of theoretical scientific insight in the period considered, this is not enough to conclude that “practical realisation of the theory” was just a question of logistics. Technology in the era considered here was not “applied science”. The social conditions of technology development might have been quite different from those of literary production, and the motives for using certain narrative forms are not to be found in the literal content of these narratives. In order to trace the paths of know-how transmission from the Nabateans up to the Muslim Arabs additional historical sources and archaeological evidence are still required.

The Albolafia noria, or waterwheel, is the last vestige of an array of mills and dams built on the Guadalquivir River in Cordoba between the 8th and 10th centuries as it appears in its present condition. (Source)
References 
  • CAHEN, Cl., 1949-1951. “Le service de l’irrigation en Iraq au debut du XI’ siècle”. Bulletin d’etudes orientales, Damas, XIII, 117-143.
  • CANAVAS, C., 2005. “Erinnerungsprozesse in der Wissensreprasentation: Raumliche Ordnungskonzepte in Illustrationen arabisch-islamischer Handschriften”, in S. Damir-Geilsdorf, A. Hartmaim and B. Hendrich (eds.), Mental Maps – Baum – Erinnentng, Münster, 285-301.
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The Science of Al-Biruni « Muslim Heritage

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The Science of Al-Biruni « Muslim Heritage





The Science of Al-Biruni

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Al-Biruni was so far ahead of his time that his most brilliant discoveries seemed incomprehensible to most of the scholars of his days......
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Figure (a). Article banner

1. Introduction 


Figure (b). A 1973 USSR stamp depicting Al-Biruni (Source)
George Sarton, the founder of the History of Science discipline, defined al-Biruni as “one of the very greatest scientists of Islam, and, all considered, one of the greatest of all times”[1,2]. A universal genius that lived in the Central Asia a thousand of years ago, al-Biruni “was so far ahead of his time that his most brilliant discoveries seemed incomprehensible to most of the scholars of his days”, so wrote Bobojan Gafurov  in his article on the Unesco Courier[3].
Abū al-Rayhān Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-Bīrūnī (973–1048), was born in Kath, Khwarezm[4]. Khwarezm, also known as Chorasmia, is a large oasis region in western Central Asia, bordered by Aral Sea and deserts. It was the country of the Khwarezmian civilization and of several kingdoms. Today, it is fractioned and belongs to Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan. Leaving his homeland, al-Biruni wandered in Persia and Uzbekistan. Then, after Mahmud of Ghazni conquered the emirate of Bukhara, Al-Biruni moved in Ghazni. This town, which is in modern Afghanistan, was at that time the capital of Ghaznavid dynasty[4-6]. In 1017, al-Biruni travelled to the Indian subcontinent, studying the Indian science and conveying it to the Islamic world [4,5].
Αl-Biruni was an astronomer, mathematician and philosopher, studying physics and natural sciences too. He was the first able to obtain a simple formula for measuring the Earth’s radius. Moreover, he thought possible the Earth to revolve around the Sun and developed the idea the geological eras succeed one another [3]. In fact, in his scientific body of work he addresses almost all the sciences [4,7]. He had excellent knowledge of ancient Greek and studied several works by ancient Greek scientists in their original forms; among them there were the Aristotle’s Physics, Metaphysics, De Caelo, and Meteorology, the works of Euclid and Archimedes, the Almagest of the mathematician and astronomer Ptolemy [7,8]. “When religious fanaticism swept medieval Europe… al-Biruni, as a forerunner of the Renaissance, was far in advance of the scientific thought then obtaining in Europe” [7,8]. After a short discussion on his life, let us review some experimental methods and instruments this outstanding man proposed and used.

Figure (c). An illustration from Al-Biruni’s astronomical works, explains the different phases of the moon (Source)

2. Life and Works

As previously told, al-Biruni was born in Kath, a district of Khwarezm. In fact, the word “Biruni” means “from an outer district”, in Persian, and so he was  known as  “the Birunian”, with the Latinised name “Alberonius” [4,9]. In his early youth, fortune brought al-Biruni in contact with an educated Greek who was his first teacher [3]. His foster father, Mansur, was a member of the royal family and a distinguished mathematician and astronomer. He introduced al-Biruni to Euclidean Geometry and Ptolemaic astronomy [3]. Then, al-Biruni spent his first twenty-five years in Khwarezm where he studied the body of Islamic law, theology, grammar, mathematics, astronomy and other sciences. In the time, Khwarezm had long been famed for its advance culture. Its cities had magnificent palaces and religious colleges, and the sciences were esteemed and highly developed [3].

Figure (d). On the 4th September 2012, Google celebrated Al-Biruni’s birthday with this ‘doodle’ (Source)

Figure (e). An 18th Century diagram of an astrolabe from Al-Biruni’s Kitab al-Tafhim (Source)
Leaving his homeland, al-Biruni wandered, unsettled, for a brief period of time. He was interested in continuing his studies in astronomy, but this would be possible only in a large city. Then, al-Biruni settled on Ravy, which was located near the present day Teheran [10]. Unfortunately, in 996, al-Biruni was not yet well known outside of Kath and then he was unable to find a patron in Ravy; he was poor but remained confident and continued to study [10]. It happened that al-Khujandi (9401000), a respected astronomer, recorded in 994 the transit of the Sun near the solstices, measuring the latitude of Ravy. Al-Biruni found al-Khujandi’s results  inaccurate. In his “The Determination of the Coordinate of Locations and for Correctly Ascertaining the Distances between Places”, al-Biruni explained that the problem was in the sextant used for measurements. Because of this observation, he began to be accepted by other scholars and scientists [10].  In 998, al-Biruni went to the court of the Amir of Tabaristan [4]. There he wrote an important work, known as the “Chronology of Ancient Nations”. Al-Biruni explained that the aim of his work was to establish, as accurately as possible, the time span of various eras [3]. The book is also discussing various calendar systems such as the Arabian, Greek and Persian and several others [3]. When Mahmud of Ghazni conquered the emirate of Bukhara (1017), he took all the scholars to his capital Ghazni. Al-Biruni spent then his life serving Mahmud and later his son Mas’ud. He was the court astronomer  and accompanied Mahmud during the invasion of the north-west of India, living there for a few years [4]. During this time, he wrote the “History of India”, ending it around 1030. Let us note that most of the works of Al-Biruni are in Arabic although he wrote one of his masterpieces, the Kitab al-Tafhim, both in Persian and Arabic [4].

Figure (f). Portrait of Rhazes (al-Razi), Wellcome Images (Source)
Al-Biruni catalogued both his own works and those of al-Razi. In 1035-36, or a little thereafter, al-Biruni wrote, at the urging of a friend, an “Epistle Concerning a List of the Books of Mohammad ibn Zakarīyā’ al-Rāzī” [11]. This epistle consists of two parts, the first devoted to al-Razi and his works, the second to al-Biruni himself with an inventory. This sort of bibliographical treatment is modelled on those produced by Galen in antiquity [11]. Al-Biruni’s catalogue of his own literary production lists 103 titles divided into 12 categories: astronomy, mathematical geography, mathematics, astrological aspects and transits, astronomical instruments, chronology, comets, an untitled category, astrology, anecdotes, religion, and books of which he no longer possesses copies [4,11]. His extant works include the “Indica, a Compendium of Indian Religion and Philosophy”, the “Book of Instruction in the Elements of the Art of Astrology”, and the abovementioned “Chronology of Ancient Nations”. We find also “The Mas’udi Canon”, an encyclopaedic work on astronomy, geography and engineering, dedicated to Mas’ud, son of Mahmud of Ghazni, “Understanding Astrology”, which is a book containing questions and answers about mathematics and astronomy, the “Pharmacy”, about drugs and medicines, “Gems” a book on  geology, minerals and gems, dedicated to the son of Mas’ud, the “Astrolabe”, the “History of Mahmud of Ghazni and his Father” and the “History of Khwarezm” [4].

3. Earth, Heaven and Astronomy

Al-Biruni dealt with Earth in many of his works [12]. He proposed a method to measure its radius, using trigonometric calculations. Let us see how he did. First of all, he measured the high of a hill by measuring the angles subtended by the hill at two points a known distance apart. Then he climbed the hill and measured the angle of the dip of the horizon [13]. In the Figure 1, it is shown the method as discussed in [13]. Using an Arabic mile equal to 1.225947 English miles, al-Biruni value of the radius was equal to 3928.77 English miles, which compares favourably, being different of 2%, with the mean radius of curvature of the reference ellipsoid at the latitude of  measurement; this mean radius is of 3847.80 miles [14]. He did this when he was at the Fort of Nandana in  Punjab [15]. Since the al-Biruni’s self-constructed instrument could have measure angles up to 10’ of the arc, the key to the precision of the measurement is a precise sine value, which he seems to have obtained from various Indian sources [14].

Figure 1. Al-Biruni’s method to measure the radius of the Earth, from (Source: Ref.13)
As discussed in [12], al-Biruni considered the world, that is the universe, had come into existence in time, as Muslims believed, and then it was not eternal like Aristotle told. However, it is impossible to determine the creation of the world in term of human calculations. The Earth arose from the natural adjustment of the four elements with each other at the centre of the universe, and all the heavenly bodies gravitate towards it. The Earth is a globe, with a rough surface due to the presence of mountains and depressions, but these are negligible when compared with the size of the globe. Because of this irregular surface, the water is not covering it completely, as it would happen for a smooth sphere.
“While water, like earth, has a certain weight and falls as low as possible in the air, it is nevertheless lighter than earth, which therefore settles in water, sinking in the form of sediments at the bottom… The earth and the water form one globe, surrounded on all sides by air. Then, since much of the air is in contact with the sphere of the Moon, it becomes heated in consequence of the movement and friction of the parts in contact. This there is produced fire, which surrounds the air, less in amount in the proximity of the poles owing to the slackening of the movement there” [12]. When discussing the geological changes on the Earth, al-Biruni says that “the center of gravity of the Earth also changes its position according to the position of the shifting matter on its surface” [12]. “With the passing of time, the sea becomes dry land, and dry land the sea” al-Biruni wrote [3], but “if such changes took place on earth before the appearance of man, we are not aware of them” [12]. For instance, he tells of  the Arabian desert, which was a sea and then became filled of sand. He also reports of the discovery of “stones which if broken apart, would be found to contain shells, cowryshells and fish-ears”. By “fish-ears” he must have meant fossils [12].
In the Mas’udi Canon, al-Biruni writes that the Earth is at the centre of the universe and that it has no motion of its own, as it is in the Ptolemaic system. However, in this book, he takes issue with this system on several points. “He holds, for example, that the Sun’s apogee is not fixed, and while he accepts the geocentric theory, he shows that the astronomical facts can also be explained by assuming the Earth revolves around the Sun” [15].  Then, continuing his speculation on the motion of the Earth, al-Biruni tells that he could neither prove nor disprove it, but commented it favourably [4]. It seems also that he wrote in a commentary on Indian astronomy that he resolved the matter of Earth’s motion in a work on astronomy that is no longer extant, his “Key to Astronomy”.
Let us summarize his point of view reporting  what he tells us about an astronomical instrument, the “Zuraqi”, probably an armillary sphere or a spherical astrolabe, or even a mechanical astrolabe. Al-Biruni writes that Sijzi, a Persian astronomer and mathematician from Sistan, a region lying in the south-west of Afghanistan and south-east of Iran, invented  an astrolabe the design of which was based on the idea that the Earth moves [4,16,17]: “I have seen the astrolabe called Zuraqi invented by Abu Sa’id Sijzi. I liked it very much and praised him a great deal, as it is based on the idea entertained by some to the effect that the motion we see is due to the Earth’s movement and not to that of the sky. By my life, it is a problem difficult of solution and refutation. … For it is the same whether you take it that the Earth is in motion or the sky. For, in both cases, it does not affect the Astronomical Science. It is just for the physicist to see if it is possible to refute it” [4,16].

4. The Zijes

The Islamic Golden Age (8th-15th centuries) strongly promoted the astronomy and several scholars contributed to its development. The Islamic scientists assimilated and amalgamated disparate material to create their  astronomical science. This material included Greek, Sassanid, and Indian works in particular [18]. In turn, Islamic astronomy had a significant influence on the astronomy of the medieval Europe. Many stars and astronomical terms such as alidade, azimuth, and almucantar, are still referred to by their Arabic names [18]. From 700 to 825, we have the period of assimilation and syncretisation of earlier Hellenistic, Indian, and Sassanid astronomy. Some first astronomical texts, translated into Arabic, had Indian and Persian origin. The most notable of these texts was the “Zij al-Sindhind”, an 8th-century Indian astronomical work that was translated by al-Fazari and Yaqub ibn Tariq after 770  under the supervision of an Indian astronomer who visited the court of Abbasid caliph al-Mansur [18]. During this period, the Arabs adopted the sine function, inherited from Indian geometry, instead of  chords of arc used in Greek trigonometry [18,19]. From 825 to 1025, there was a period of vigorous investigation, in which the Ptolemaic system of astronomy was accepted, however, under the possibility of observational refinements and mathematical revisions [18,19].  One of the major works was  the “Zij al-Sindh” written by al-Khwarizmi in  830. In this period, a great impulse to astronomical research came from the Abbasid caliphs. They supported this scientific work financially and gave it a formal prestige [18].
Zij is the generic name of Islamic astronomical books that tabulate parameters used for astronomical calculations concerning the positions of the Sun, Moon, stars, and planets. The name is derived from a Persian term meaning cord. May be, this is a reference to the arrangement of the threads on a loom, like the tabulated data are arranged in rows and columns [20]. Let us remark that the medieval Muslim zijes were more extensive, typically including materials on chronology, and the geographical latitudes and longitudes. Going beyond the traditional contents, some zijes even explain the theory or report the observations from which the tables were computed [20]. Besides  the Zij written by al-Khwarizmi, other famous zijes are those of the Egyptian astronomer Ibn Yunus (c. 950-1009). In one of them he described, with precision, forty planetary conjunctions and thirty lunar eclipses [21]. His astronomical tables give data obtained with very large astronomical instruments and the use of trigonometric identities [22].
Probably it was not the entire driving force to this growth of astronomy, but religion contributed to it [21]. In fact, the Islam needed a way to figure out how to orient all sacred structures toward Mecca [21]. And then a precise celestial mapping was necessary to find the right direction, or qibla, toward the Kaaba. By the 9th century, the astronomers were commonly using trigonometry to determine the qibla from geographical coordinates, turning the qibla determination into a problem of spherical astronomy. Al-Biruni for example, in “The Determination of the Coordinate of Locations and for Correctly Ascertaining the Distances between Places”, has the goal to find the qibla at Ghazni.
One of the al-Biruni zijes contains a table giving the coordinates of six hundred places, almost all of them measured by al-Biruni himself. For some places he is reporting data taken from similar tables given by al-Khwarizmi. Al-Biruni seems to have realized that for places given by both alKhwarizmi and Ptolemy, the value obtained by al-Khwarizmi was more accurate [19,21]. Muhammad ibn Mūsā al-Khwārizmī (c. 780 – c. 850) was a Khwarezmian too. In the early 9th  century, he produced accurate sine and cosine tables, and the first table of tangents. He was also a pioneer in spherical trigonometry. By the 10th century, Muslim mathematicians were using all six trigonometric functions. Let us note that the term “algorithm” is coming from medieval Latin “algorismus”, a mangled transliteration of Arabic al-Khwarizmi, “native of Khwarezm”. The earlier form of this word in Middle English was “algorism” (early 13th c.) [23].

5. Quadrants, Astrolabes and Clocks

As told in [15], al-Biruni was among those deported in Afghanistan by Mahmud of Ghazni . He was then 44 years old. On 14 October 1018, we find him in a village south of Kabul, where he wanted to measure the height of the sun but had no instrument to hand. So he was obliged to draw a calibrated arc on the back of a reckoning board and used it, with the aid of a plumb line, as a makeshift quadrant. On the basis of the measurements made with this crude device he calculated the latitude of the locality. This quadrant was probably an inclinometer based on quarter-circle panel.

Figure 2. A quadrant.
Along one edge there were two sights forming an alidade. A plumb bob was suspended by a line from the centre of the arc as in the Figure 2.  In order to measure the altitude of a star, the observer would view the star through the sights (pinholes in the case of the Sun) and hold the quadrant vertical. The plumb indicates the reading on the graduation. It is better to have a person  concentrated on observing the star and holding the instrument and another person to take the reading. The accuracy of such an instrument is limited by its size.
An astrolabe is a more elaborate instrument. It helps in measuring the positions of  Sun, Moon, planets, and stars, and it is therefore fundamental to determine the local time at a given latitude and vice-versa. An astrolabe consists of a disk, the “mater”, deep enough to hold one or more flat plates called “tympans” [24]. Each tympan is made for a specific latitude and engraved with a stereographic projection of circles denoting azimuth and altitude, and representing the portion of the celestial sphere above the local horizon  (see the Figure 3).  Two other sets of curves represent the unequal hours and the houses of the heaven. The rim  is typically graduated into hours of time, degrees of arc, or both. Above the mater and tympan, there is the “rete”, a framework bearing a projection of the ecliptic plane and several pointers indicating the positions of the brightest stars [24]. The rete is free to rotate.  When it is rotated, the stars and the ecliptic move over the projection of the coordinates on the tympan. One complete rotation corresponds to a day. On the back of the mater, there is often engraved a number of scales, useful in various applications, and a graduation of 360 degrees around the rim. The alidade is attached to the back face. When the astrolabe is held vertically, the alidade can be rotated and the Sun or a star sighted along its length, so that its altitude in degrees can be read from the graduated edge of the astrolabe [24].

Figure 3. Curves of altitude (almucantar) and azimuth on the astrolabe, from the book entitled “Dell’Uso et Fabbrica dell’Astrolabio”, by Egnatio Danti, Giunti, Firenze, 1578 [25].
Al-Biruni, in a treatise on the Astrolabe, describes how to tell the time during the day or night and use it, as it can be used a quadrant, for surveying. In fact, the astrolabe is a complex instrument, and all its features have been added over centuries. Moreover, several other instruments have been used at the time of al-Biruni.  Reference 26 contains the critical edition with English translation of an Arabic treatise on the construction of over one hundred various astronomical instruments, composed in Cairo ca. 1330, with citations to the al-Biruni works.
The mechanical astrolabes with gears were invented in the Muslim world. These geared instruments were designed to produce a continual display of the current position of Sun and planets. We find a  device with eight gear-wheels (Figure 4, on the right) illustrated by al-Biruni in 996, so that this al-Biruni mechanism can be considered an ancestor of the astrolabes and clocks developed by later Muslim engineers. The same author  of  [26], François Charette,  is considering it a simpler version of the Antikythera mechanism [27], such as previously proposed by Derek J. de Solla Price [28].

Figure 4. On the left, an attempt of reconstruction made by the Rear Admiral Jean Theophanidis [29] of the Antikythera mechanism and, on the right,  the al-Biruni mechanism, adapted from Ref.28.
In 1900, a Greek sponge diver discovered the wreck of an ancient ship off the Antikythera island in the Dodecanese. Divers find  several bronze and marble statues and other artifacts from the site. In 1902, an archaeologist noticed that a piece of rock recovered from the site had a gear wheel embedded in it. This rock revealed itself  as one of the oldest known geared devices, able to display the motions of  Sun, Moon  and planets. After decades of work on it,  de Solla Price, discussed this mechanism  in an article entitled “An Ancient Greek Computer” in the Scientific American of June 1959. He  saw a direct connection between devices like the Antikythera machine and the Islamic astrolabes. Several years after,  a  Byzantine device dating from the 6th century, which models the motions of the Sun and Moon, had been discovered: this device can be used as a link between the Antikythera mechanism and the mechanical instrument described by al-Biruni [30]. It is probable that the Antikythera mechanism was not the only one. Cicero, in the 1st century BC, is mentioning  an instrument  constructed by the philosopher Posidonius, “which at each revolution reproduces the same motions of the sun, the moon and the five wandering stars (the planets) that takes place in heaven day and night” [30].

6. A Balance of Wisdom

Al-Biruni developed experimental methods to determine the density of substance, some based on the theory of balances and weighing and others based on the volume of fluids. He also generalizes the theory of the centre of gravity and applies it to the volumes. As told in [31], “using a whole body of mathematical methods … , Arabic scientists raised statics to a new, higher level. The classical results of Archimedes in the theory of the centre of gravity were generalized and applied to three-dimensional bodies, the theory of ponderable lever was founded and the ‘science of gravity’ was created and later further developed in medieval Europe. The phenomena of statics were studied by using the dynamic approach so that two trends – statics and dynamics – turned out to be interrelated within a single science, mechanics. … Numerous fine experimental methods were developed for determining the specific weight, which were based, in particular, on the theory of balances and weighing. The classical works of al-Biruni and al-Khazini can by right be considered as the beginning of the application of experimental methods in medieval science”.
As told in [32], al-Khāzini (Abu al-Fath Khāzini, who fourished 1115–1130)  described an istrument used by al-Biruni in measuring densities. It was a hydrostatic balance. The scales were used to test the purity of metals and to ascertain the composition of alloys. The Arabs used a method based on comparison of the weights of equal volumes: Al-Biruni for example, takes hemispheres of the different metals or rods of equal size and compares their weight [32].

Figure 5. A mizan al-hikma, a balance of wisdom, which is in fact a hydrostatic balance, like that of the “The Book of the Balance of Wisdom” by Al-Khāzini.
In the Figure 5 we can see a drawing of a mizan al-hikma, a balance of wisdom, which is in fact a hydrostatic balance, created after an image from the book of  Abu al-Fath Khāzini (flourished 1115– 1130), entitled “The Book of the Balance of Wisdom” [33]. Reference [34] tells that, as early as 1857, the year in which the American Oriental Society published in its journal the contribution
of N. Khanikoff on this book, it was known that as far as the determination of the specific gravity, AlKhazini had drawn much from the work of Al-Biruni.
Figure 6. The cone-shaped vessel in the Ref.34
The hydrostatic balance is an old instrument. The Latin poem “Carmen de Ponderibus et Mensuris” of the 4th or 5th century describes the use of  it referring to Archimedes [35,36]. This balance is also linked to a widely known anecdote. A votive crown for a temple had been made for King Hiero II of Syracuse, who supplied the pure gold, and Archimedes was asked to determine whether some silver had been substituted by the goldsmith. Archimedes had to solve the problem without damaging the crown, so he could not melt it down into a regularly shaped body and calculate its density from weight and volume. Concerning the anecdote of the golden crown, Galileo Galilei suggested that Archimedes used the hydrostatic balance.

7. Vitruvius’ and al-Biruni’s methods

However, to evaluate the density or specific weight of materials, al-Biruni refers to another method too. This method is based on the volumes of fluids and on the use of a specific instrument. It was a vessel in which the level of  water or oil remained constant, since any excess was drained out of the holes made for this purpose. He was able to measure the displaced water with such exactitude that his findings nearly correspond with modern values [32,34]. The Figure 6 shows this vessel depicted by al-Khāzini, as a cone-shaped vessel. To measure the specific gravities of gemstones, al-Biruni used it.
Before discussing the method, let us read what Vitruvius is writing in his De Architectura, in the chapter entitled “of the Method of Detecting Silver when Mixed with Gold” [37]. “Charged with this commission (to determine whether the crown had silver inside or not), he (Archimedes) by chance went to a bath, and being in the vessel, perceived that, as his body became immersed, the water ran out of the vessel. Whence, catching at the method to be adopted for the solution of the proposition, he immediately followed it up, leapt out of the vessel in joy, and, returning home naked, cried out with a loud voice that he had found that of which he was in search, for he continued exclaiming, in Greek, Eureka, (I have found it out). After this, he is said to have taken two masses, each of a weight equal to that of the crown, one of them of gold and the other of silver. Having prepared them, he filled a large vase with water up to the brim, wherein he placed the mass of silver, which caused as much water to run out as was equal to the bulk thereof. The mass being then taken out, he poured in by measure as much water as was required to fill the vase once more to the brim. By these means he found what quantity of water was equal to a certain weight of silver. He then placed the mass of gold in the vessel, and, on taking it out, found that the water which ran over was lessened, because, as the magnitude of the gold mass was smaller than that containing the same weight of silver. After again filling the vase by measure, he put the crown itself in, and discovered that more water ran over then than with the mass of gold that was equal to it in weight; and thus, from the superfluous quantity of water carried over the brim by the immersion of the crown, more than that displaced by the mass, he found, by calculation, the quantity of silver mixed with the gold, and made manifest the fraud of the manufacturer.” What Vitruvius describes  is the Archimedean displacing volume method. In Reference [37], I proposed that Archimedes could have used the vessel of a water-clock, that is, of a clepsydra. Moreover, I repeated the experiment to show in detail the method.
Probably al-Biruni read a different report, from a Greek source of this episode. Let us see how al-Biruni could have interpreted it, by describing the method he used to determine the density of a substance. Al-Biruni filled with water the vessel in the Figure 6 until the water began to run out by a pipe at the side; then a definite mass, as large as possible, of the substance is weighed (P1) and  the pan (P2) of a scale placed under the outlet pipe [32]. Then, the substance is put in the vessel. This body displaces the water so that it flows in the pan. The pan and the water are weighed (P2+P3). The difference ((P3+P2)−P2) is the weight of the displaced water. By the ratio P1/P3 we can have the density of the substance.
Al-Biruni applied the method to determine the density of precious stones. For instance, the sapphire has a specific gravity (the ratio of the density of a substance to the density of a reference substance) of 3.95–4.03, whereas the glass of 2.4–2.8. Using his method, it is possible to distinguish them. For what concerns the accuracy of the method, al-Khāzini remarks that it is difficult to weigh the amount of water displaced, because the water sticks to the sides of the outlet-tubes [34]. And in fact, al-Biruni tells that it is better to use a mass as large as possible in order to increase the accuracy. The determination of specific gravity played a quite important role in the al-Biruni’s researches, and the results he obtained were propagated by various scholars of the Islamic countries. One may ask why this research was so relevant [34]: because al-Biruni acknowledged a social importance for it, that is, an intrinsic worth in metals and jewels. Therefore, certain physical properties had to be found to evaluate them [34]. For instance, al-Biruni objected against the classification of gems on the basis of their colours only, as was the common practice of the time. The colour is a secondary property: specific gravity brilliance and hardness are the relevant properties of materials. The hardness was determined by the use a tip of a sample material and by observing the indentation it is producing [34].

8. Heat and Light

Reference [34] is pointing out that, contrary to his astronomy or astrology works, on which he wrote separate treatises, there does not exist a single book devoted exclusively on physics, but it is necessary to read all the books to evaluate his physical researches. And then in [34], after such a research, we find what al-Biruni thought on heat and light.
Aristotle considered heat to be a fundamental quality of the element fire and inherent in all things. There are two types of heat, by which the bodies can be heated: internal or external. Starting from the Aristotle’s works, Al-Biruni came to the conclusion that “heat is nothing but the rays of the Sun detached from the body of the Sun towards the Earth” [34]. And then, “the heat exists in the rays, it is inherent in them”. As observed in [34], the natural conclusion would be that air is heated by the Sun, but al-Biruni tells that “the warmth of the air is the result of the friction and violent contact between the sphere, moving rapidly, and his body”. This is an Aristotelian manner of thinking. In any case, al-Biruni had the merit of understanding the connection between motion and heat, the same we find in the Kinetic Theory of heat [34].
And heat and rays were the subjects of several letters of a correspondence between al-Biruni and Ibn Sīnā, Avicenna, and there we find that the heat is generated by the motion and cold by the rest, and for this reason, the Earth is hot at the Equator and cold at the Poles. Another important discussion between the two scientist was on the propagation of heat and rays of Sun. Al-Biruni’s opinion was that that light and heat are immaterial, and that the heat exists in the rays and it is inherent in them. How is therefore the propagation of heat? After this al-Biruni’s question,  Avicenna answered that the heat was not propagating by itself, but the rays of the Sun are propagating, and the heat is carried by them, like a man in a boat, which is not moving, but his boat is moving [34]. A very interesting discussion between two outstanding persons.
This problem of the propagation of heat leads al-Biruni to study the problem of the nature and propagation of light. He stated that “there is a different opinion regarding the motion of the rays. Some say, this motion is timeless, since the rays are not bodies. Others say, this motion proceeds in very short time: that, however, there is nothing more rapid in existence, by which you might measure the degree of its rapidity, e.g. the motion of the sound in the air is not so fast as the motion of the rays, therefore the former has been compared with the latter and thereby its time (the degree of its rapidity) has been determined” [34]. According to [34], this is the first reference to the problem of  measuring the speed of light.

9.  Al-Biruni’s Wisdom

Let me conclude this paper with some words written by al-Biruni [39], which illustrate quite well the wisdom of this person and his passion for scientific research. It is the parable of the four pupils, from his “Indica”.
A man is travelling together with his pupils from some business towards the end of the night. There appears something standing erect before them on the road, the nature of which is impossible to recognize because of darkness. The man turns towards his pupils and asks them what it is. The first says “I do not know what it is”, the second “I do not known, and I have no means of learning what it is”, the third “It is useless to examine what it is, for the raising of the day will reveal it”. It is clear that none of them had attained the knowledge: the first because of his ignorance, the second was incapable and had no means of knowledge by learning, and the third because he was indolent and acquiesced on his ignorance. The fourth pupil did not give an answer: he stood still and then he went on in the direction of the object. On coming near, he found that it was pumpkins on which there was something entangled. He considered that no living man, endowed with free will,  could stand still in this situation, and therefore it was a lifeless object. To be sure, he went quite close to it and struck again it with his foot till it fell to the ground. Thus, removed all doubt, he returned to his master and gave him the exact account.

10. References

[1] G. Sarton, Introduction to the History of Science, Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1927.
[2] Hamed A. Ead, History of Islamic Science 6, https://www.levity.com/alchemy/islam17.html
[3] B. Gafurov, Al-Biruni, a Universal Genius Who Lived in the Central Asia a Thousand of Years Ago, The Unesco Courier, June 1974, Pages 4-9.
[5] D.J. Boilet, Al-Biruni, The Encyclopaedia of Islam, Vol. I,  H.A.R. Gibb, J.H. Kramers, E. LeviProvencal and J. Schacht Editors, Brill, 1986.
[7] C.K. Skarlakidis, Holy Fire, The Miracle of Holy Saturday at the Tomb of Christ, Forty-five Historical Accounts (9th–16th c.), available at: www.scarlakidis.gr/ENGLISH/09.albiruniENGLISH.html
[8] D. Tsibukidis, Graeco-Hellenistic Philosophical Thought in the Writings of Abu Raikhan Biruni, Graeco-Arabica, 2000, Volume 7–8, Pages 524-533.
[9] C. Edmund Bosworth, Bīrūnī, Abū Rayhān, i. Life, in Encyclopedia Iranica, 2010, Volume IV, Issue 3, Pages 274-276.
[10] B. Scheppler, Al-Biruni: Master Astronomer and Muslim Scholar of the Eleventh Century, The Rosen Publishing Group, August 1, 2005.
[11] D. Pingree, Bīrūnī, Abū Rayhān, ii. Bibliography, in Encyclopedia Iranica, 2010, Volume IV, Issue 3, Pages 276-277.
[12] S. Maqbul Ahaman, Geodesy, Geology, and Mineralogy, Geography and Cartography, in History of Civilizations of Central Asia, Volume 4, Issue 2, Clifford Edmund Bosworth and M.S. Asimov Editors, Motilal Banarsidass Publ., 2003.
[13] B. Lumpkin, Geometry Activities from Many Cultures, Walch Publishing, Jan 1, 1997.
[14] C. K. Raju, Cultural Foundations of Mathematics: The Nature of Mathematical Proof and the Transmission of the Calculus from India to Europe in the 16th C. CE, Pearson Education India, 2007.
[15] J. Boilot, The Long Odyssey, The Unesco Courier, June 1974, Pages 10-13.
[16] S. Hossein Nasr, An Introduction to Islamic Cosmological Doctrines, Pages 135–136, State University of New York Press, 1993.
[17] M. Salim-Atchekzai, A Pioneer of Scientific Observation, The Unesco Courier, June 1974, Pages 16-18.
[19] A. Dallal, Science, Medicine and Technology, in The Oxford History of Islam, J. Esposito Editor, Oxford University Press, 1999.
[20] Vv.Aa., Wikipedia,  https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zij
[21] D. Teresi, Lost Discoveries: The Ancient Roots of Modern Science,  Simon and Schuster, May 11, 2010.
[23] D. Harper, Online Etymology Dictionary, 2001-2013.
[25] Egnatio Danti, Dell’Uso et Fabbrica dell’Astrolabio, Giunti, Firenze, 1578.
[26] F. Charette, Mathematical Instrumentation in the Fourteenth-Century in Egypt and Syria, BRILL, 2003.
[27] F. Charette, Archaeology: High tech from Ancient Greece, Nature, 2006, Volume 444, Pages 551-552.
[28] D.J. de Solla Price, Of the Origin of Clockwork, Perpetual Motion Devices and the Compass, in Contributions from the Museum of History and Technology, United States National Museum Bulletin 218, Smithsonian Institution, Washington D.C., 1959.
[29]  J. Theophanidis, Praktika tes Akademias Athenon, Athens, 1934, Volume 9, Pages 140-149.
[30] Ö. Wikander, Gadgets and Scientific Instruments, in The Oxford Handbook of Engineering and Technology in the Classical World,  John Peter Oleson Editor, Oxford University Press, 2008, Pages 785-820.
[31] M. Rozhanskaya and I.S. Levinova, “Statics”, p. 642, in the Encyclopedia of the History of Arabic Science, Routledge,  1996.
[32] M. Th. Houtsma, E.J. Brill’s First Encyclopaedia of Islam, 1913-1936, Volume 5, BRILL, 1003.
[33] B.A. Danzomo and A.O. Shuriye, The Contribution of Al-Khazini in the Development of Hydrostatic Balance and its Functionality, in Contributions of Early Muslim Scientists to Engineering Sciences and Related Studies, A.O. Shuriye and A.F. Faris Editors, IIUM Press, 2011.
[34] S. M. Razaullah Ansari, On the Physical Researches of Al-Biruni, Vol10. Issue 2, Pages 198217.
[35]  F. Costanti, The Golden Crown: a Discussion, in The Genius of Archimedes – 23 Centuries of Influence on Mathematics, Science and Engineering: Proceedings of an International Conference held at Syracuse, Italy, June 8-10, 2010.
[36]  M. Berthelot, Sur l’Histoire de la Balance Hydrostatique et de Quelques Autres Appareils et Procédés Scientifiques, Annales de Chimie et de Physique, Série 6, 1891, Volume 23, Pages 475485.
[37] Marcus Vitruvius Pollio, The Architecture, Joseph Gwilt translator, Priestly and Weale, London, 1826.
[38] A.C. Sparavigna, The Vitruvius’ Tale of Archimedes and the Golden Crown, Archaeogate, 1708-2011.
[39]  Miniature anthology of al-Biruni, The Unesco Courier, June 1974, Pages 19-26.
* This article had been published in the International Journal of Sciences 12 (2013):52-60. DOI: 10.18483/ijSci.364

Explained: How to deflect an asteroid | Explained News, The Indian Express

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Explained: How to deflect an asteroid | Explained News, The Indian Express

By Express News Service |Updated: September 4, 2019 9:45:27 am

Explained: How to deflect an asteroid

Among all the causes that will eventually cause the extinction of life on Earth, an asteroid hit is widely acknowledged as one of the likeliest.

Mission profile of NASA’s DART mission, which aims to deflect Didymos B — the “moonlet” of the Didymos asteroid system. (Photo: European Space Agency)


Among all the causes that will eventually cause the extinction of life on Earth, an asteroid hit is widely acknowledged as one of the likeliest. Over the years, scientists have suggested different ways to ward off such a hit, such as blowing up the asteroid before it reaches Earth, or deflecting it off its Earth-bound course by hitting it with a spacecraft. Now, scientists have embarked on a plan to test their expertise with the second of these two methods.

JCB longlist announced: Paul Zacharia, Manoranjan Byapari feature on the list | Lifestyle News, The Indian Express

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JCB longlist announced: Paul Zacharia, Manoranjan Byapari feature on the list | Lifestyle News, The Indian Express

By Lifestyle Desk |New Delhi |Published: September 4, 2019 3:54:58 pm

JCB longlist announced: Paul Zacharia, Manoranjan Byapari feature on the list

Last year Malayalam author Benyamin had won the coveted prize for his novel Jasmine Days. The book has been translated by from Malayalam to English by Shahnaz Habib. 



jcb prize, jcb prize longlist, jcb longlist, jcb 2019 longlist, indian express, indian express news
The winner will be announced on November 2, 2019.


The JCB longlist is out, and 10 books have made it to the list. These include Ib’s Endless Search for Satisfaction by Roshan Ali, There’s Gunpowder in the Air by Manoranjan Byapari, translated from Bengali by Arunava Sinha, The City and the Seaby Rajkamal Jha, Milk Teeth by Amrita Mahale, The Queen of Jasmine Country by Sharanya Manivannan, Trial by Silence and Lonely Harvest by Perumal Murugan, translated from the Tamil by Aniruddhan Vasudevan, A Patchwork Family by Mukta Sathe, My Father’s Garden by Hansda Sowvendra Shekhar, The Far Field by Madhuri Vijay and A Secret History of Compassion by Paul Zacharia.

Priyanka Chopra, Rajkummar Rao to star in The White Tiger adaptation; here’s what the novel is about | Lifestyle News, The Indian Express

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Priyanka Chopra, Rajkummar Rao to star in The White Tiger adaptation; here’s what the novel is about | Lifestyle News, The Indian Express

By Lifestyle Desk |New Delhi |Published: September 4, 2019 3:29:00 pm

Priyanka Chopra, Rajkummar Rao to star in The White Tiger adaptation; here’s what the novel is about

The Netflix original will be directed by Fahrenheit 451 director Ramin Bahrani. The film will feature Priyanka Chopra Jonas and Rajkummar Rao.

priyanka chopra, white tiger, white tiger netflix, priyanka chopra netflix, priyanka chopra white tiger, indian express, indian express news
Published in 2008, Aravind Adiga had won the Man Booker Prize for The White Tiger. (Source: File Photo)


Adapting books for films and web shows is a common practice now, with Vikram Seth’s acclaimed novel The Suitable Boy and Salman Rushdie’s The Midnight Childrenall set to be made into web series. The latest to join the list is Aravind Adiga’s The White Tiger. The Netflix original will be directed by Fahrenheit 451 director Ramin Bahrani, and will feature Priyanka Chopra Jonas and Rajkummar Rao.

An immersive theatrical installation turns Grimm Brothers’ Hansel and Gretel into a personal experience | Lifestyle News, The Indian Express

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An immersive theatrical installation turns Grimm Brothers’ Hansel and Gretel into a personal experience | Lifestyle News, The Indian Express



Written by Dipanita Nath |Updated: September 4, 2019 8:27:40 am

An immersive theatrical installation turns Grimm Brothers’ Hansel and Gretel into a personal experience

Galbiati adds that the aim of h.g. is not to faithfully recount the fairy tale, but evoke some archetypes.

The installation affirms the duplicity of life, where positive and negative exists


A story about a wicked witch, who lives in a candy cottage, and two children wandering lost in the woods, Hansel and Gretel, will meet your personal nightmares in a theatrical production that is travelling through India this month and next. Titled h.g., it has been created by Switzerland-based company, Trickster-p, and requires audience members to travel alone through nine designed rooms wearing headphones while the major themes of the fairy tale — sounds and silences, bones and flesh, food and hunger — play out. Presented by Sandbox Collective and supported by Pro Helvetia, the Swiss Arts Council, h.g. will be staged in Delhi, Pondicherry, Chennai and Bengaluru.
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